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POST ELECTION VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA,2011-A CASE STUDY OF GOMBE NORTH SENATORIAL DISTRICT
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background of the study
Results in Nigerian elections come in two separate columns. One records the votes cast at polling stations; the other the number of people killed around the time of the election.
Elections involve a set of activities leading to the selection of one or more persons out of many to serve in positions of authority in a society. Political scientists and development theorists link free, fair and credible elections to democratic governance, peace and development. In brief, they argue that free, fair and credible elections provide the basis for the emergence of democratic, accountable and legitimate governments with the capacity to initiate and implement clearly articulated development programmes. Again,they claim that free, fair and credible elections empower the electorate to hold the government accountable and to demand strong credentials and feasible development agenda from prospective government officials. In other words, free, fair and credible
elections bestow on governments the legitimate authority to, on one hand, initiate and implement policies; while on the other hand, they empower the citizens to hold
governments accountable for their actions and/or inactions. Credible elections are, therefore, sine qua non for democratic governance, political stability and national development.
Since 1999, elections have become more regular in Nigeria. Between 1999 and 2011, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) conducted four consecutive general elections. Nigeria’s attempt to practice parliamentary democracy at independence in 1960 was interrupted by a military coup in 1966 (Dudley 1982). In 1979, Nigeria made a transition from military rule to presidential democracy. Again, the democratic government was removed via a military coup in 1983 (Diamond 1988, Joseph 1991).
The third democratic experiment in Nigeria began in 1989 but was aborted in 1993 following the annulment of the presidential election, which would have marked the highpoint of the transition. Following intense domestic and international pressures on the military government, as well as the sudden demise of the then military Head of State General Sani Abacha, the military government finally relinquished power to an elected civilian government in May 1999 (Ihonvbere and Shaw 1998, Osaghae 1998). The period since 1999 has been marked by an extra-ordinary progress towards the consolidation of
democracy in Nigeria, considering that the country is able to conduct four consecutive general elections for the first time in its political history (Oyovbaire 2008).
Although elections are now more regular in Nigeria, the quality of these elections is a matter of grave concern to both the actors and observers. The 2003 and 2007 elections were particularly marked by dissatisfaction by candidates, voters and observers (Ibrahim and Ibeanu 2009). Dissatisfaction with the 2007 general elections reflected in the barrage of litigations brought before the election tribunals and courts as well as the number of election results that were nullified (INEC 2007, Ugochukwu 2009). Unlike the 2007 elections, the April 2011 general elections in Nigeria were adjudged by observers and analysts as the most credible election in the series of elections organized since Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999. The success of the 2011 elections can be attributed to the
remedial measures taken by both the government and the Independent National
1 Nigerian Elections: Ballots and Bullets, Political Violence Reaches New Heights, The Economist, 14 April 2011, http://www.economist.com/node/18561189.
Electoral Commission (INEC) in the aftermath of the 2007 general elections to restore the credibility of the electoral process. Just to illustrate, in June 2010, President Goodluck Jonathan appointed Professor Attahiru Jega, a respected academic and activist as the chairman of INEC. The appointment of Professor Jega boosted public confidence in INEC. The government also ensured adequate and timely funding of the Commission. The federal government reportedly released over 87 billion naira (about US $580 million) to INEC to support the Commission’s preparations for the 2011 elections (Gberie 2011: 9). In addition, the Nigerian National Assembly undertook a major revision of the legal framework for elections in Nigeria, including the 1999 Constitution and the Electoral Act. To complement government’s efforts, INEC adopted far-reaching
measures to ensure the success of the 2011 elections. For instance, INEC made a critical decision to discard the existing voters register which was highly discredited and to compile a new one just four months to the April 2011 elections. Also, the Commission strengthened its election personnel by recruiting members of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) and staff of federal universities to serve as ad hoc registration and polling staff. The efforts of both INEC and the government to restore the credibility of Nigeria’s electoral process paid off with the success of the 2011 general elections.
The 2011 general elections were adjudged by many observers as the most credible election organized by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) since 1999. For example, Terence McCulley, U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria, praised the National Assembly election as the first-ever ‘credible, transparent, free and fair general election’ in Nigeria, and declared that it provided ‘a historic opportunity for Nigeria to consolidate its democracy and further expand its voice on the world stage’ (Agbambu and Ajayi 2011). The ECOWAS observation mission described the presidential poll as ‘fair and transparent’ (ICG 2011: 4), while the EU Election Observation Mission to Nigeria, said ‘the 2011 general elections marked an important step towards strengthening democratic elections in Nigeria, but challenges remain’ (EU EOM 2011: 1). Clement Nwankwo, head of the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC) in Abuja and who is working with more than 20 civil society groups in the Nigerian Civil Society Election Situation Room to monitor elections said: ‘we have not seen large-scale reports of malpractice, nor of collusion between electoral officials and politicians’ (Omokri 2011).
The credibility of the 2011 general elections further reflects in the fewer number of litigations it attracted compared to the barrage of cases brought before the election tribunals and courts as well as the number of election results nullified by the tribunals and courts in the aftermath of the 2007 elections (INEC 2007, Ugochukwu 2009, EU EOM 2011).
The widely acclaimed success of the 2011 elections was dented by post-election violence that broke out following the announcement of the results of the presidential elections.
1.2 Statement of the problem
The 2011 post-election violence is seen by many as the bloodiest incident of electoral violence in Nigeria’s history (Bekoe 2011, Ajayi 2011, HRW 2011, ICG 2011, Shuaibu and Iroegbu 2011). In fourteen Northern States, including Adamawa, Kano, Kaduna, and Bauchi States, where the post-election violence was most prevalent, violent protesters killed several people, including an unspecified number of National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members2; torched, looted or destroyed businesses, churches and NYSC programme is a one year mandatory national service by Nigerian graduates who are below the age
of 30 years. The programme was decreed by the military government in 1972, just after the end of the Nigerian civil war, to encourage social mobility and promote national integration. INEC recruited mostly NYSC members as Ad Hoc Presiding Officers during the 2011 general elections. private houses (Shuaibu and Iroegbu 2011, HRW 2011). In the aftermath of the violence,
thousands of people were displaced from their homes and places of business.
Although the Nigeria Police and other security agencies appeared startled by the
outbreak of post-election violence, the violence did not come to many observers as a surprise, considering that analysts had warned that a contest which pitched two popular candidates from Northern and Southern Nigeria against each other as a result of the stepping-down of the power-sharing arrangement would inevitably culminate in violence (Onwudiwe and Berwind-Dart 2010: 8). In March 2011, Amnesty International issued a report in which it noted that hundreds of people had already been killed in ‘politically motivated, communal and sectarian violence across Nigeria ahead of presidential and parliamentary polls’, and advised the authorities to take immediate action to prevent further violence (Amnesty International 2011: 5). This advice was ignored to the peril of several Nigerians who died in the post-election bloodbath. Several media houses and
other independent observers produced reports that offered clues of what was to come (Campbell 2010). In the weeks preceding the 2011 presidential election, Nigeria had experienced a wave of violent incidents ranging from communal unrest to bombings.
On the eve of the National Assembly elections held on 9 April 2011, a bomb attack at the INEC office in Suleja, Niger State, killed at least 10 people and injured several others (Ploch 2012: 7). There were also bomb explosions in the Northern city of Maiduguri, Borno State, where the Boko Haram Islamic militant group is most active (Bekoe 2011).
A few months before the 2011 general elections, over 200 persons had lost their lives in communal unrests in Plateau State (Amnesty International 2011: 6). Furthermore, there were reports of election-related assassinations of political candidates and their supporters, and clashes between party supporters. Despite predictions of violence, the government did not seem to have done much to prevent its outbreak. According to
Amnesty International (2011: 5), there were no general countrywide anti-electoral violence campaigns, no public awareness programmes, and no adequate investigations, prosecution and conviction of culprits from pre-election violent incidents. Thus, one can conclude that the authorities saw the 2011 post-election violence coming, but did not do much to prevent it.
While the 2011 post-election violence may be outstanding in terms of its magnitude, severity and consequences, it is pertinent to note that elections are synonymous with violence in Nigeria. All the eight general elections conducted in Nigeria since independence in 1960 (including 1964, 1979, 1983, 1993, 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections) have been marred by various degrees of violence (Abdullahi Smith Centre for Historical Research 2002). The announcement of the results of the Western Region elections in 1965 was followed by violence and breakdown of law and order in the region. It was the Western Region crisis that gave rise to the infamous ‘Operation Wetie’ – an atrocious practice of dousing political opponents in petrol and setting them ablaze (Anifowose 1982, Soeze 2011). In 1983, allegations of rigging by the ruling National
Party of Nigeria (NPN) led to bloody post-election crisis in Ondo State (Babarinsa 2003).
In 1993, the results of the presidential elections won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola was
annulled by then military ruler, Ibrahim Babangida, leading to the ‘June 12’ crisis that took the lives of many Nigerians. Nigeria’s Fourth Republic has not been devoid of electoral violence. Between 1999 and 2011, thousands of people have died in election related violence (ICG 2011: 3). Many of those that lost their lives in post-election violence in Nigeria were allegedly killed by members of the notoriously violent ‘Mobile Police’ (MOPOL) and other security agencies3.
Unlike previous incidents of post-election violence in Nigeria that attracted considerable documentation and analysis, only a few studies have attempted to document and analyze the 2011 post-election violence (Bekoe 2011, NAPEN 2011, Ploch 2012).
Although existing literature on the 2011 post-election violence provide useful data and insights into the unrest, a more rigorous and systematic analysis of the problem is required. The aim of this study is, therefore, to document and analyze the 2011 post- election violence, and to identify and recommend reforms required in preventing the recurrence of post-election violence in Nigeria. In specific terms, this study provides analyses of the triggers and manifestation of the April 2011 post-election violence, documents and reports the experiences survivors, and identifies reforms and measures required to address the problem of post-election violence in Nigeria. The outcome of this study will serve as a basis for dealing with post-election violence. Data used in this study were derived mainly from documents, including published literature, official documents,
and media reports. Primary data were also obtained from eye witness accounts and testimonies of individuals that experienced post-election violence.
This study is made up of six sections. Following this introduction is the second section which examines the conceptual background of post-election violence, focusing on the meaning, triggers, and manifestation of post-election violence. The third section explores the history of post-election violence in Nigeria, beginning from the late colonial period till date. The section compares incidents of post-election violence across different periods of Nigeria’s history. The fourth section presents the results of the empirical analyses of the April 2011 post-election violence. Here, the triggers, patterns and manifestations of
post-election violence during the 2011 general elections were highlighted. The fifth section identifies and analyzes the reforms and measures adopted by the government to prevent and/or manage post-election violence in Nigeria. These measures were interrogated in the light of the experiences of other African countries including Kenya, Ethiopia and Congo. Finally, the sixth section discusses the lessons learned from historical, empirical, and comparative analysis of post-election violence in Nigeria, and recommends strategies for preventing post-election during the 2015 general elections. Report, ‘Nigeria Police, Troops ‘Abused Rioters’ in North’, Agence France-Presse, 6 May 2011, http://reliefweb.int/node/400448
1.3 Objectives of the study
1. To understand the nature of the post-election violence in Nigeria in 2011 in Gombe north senatorial district
2. To know the causes of the violence
3. To understand the impacts of the violence on Gombe north senatorial district
4. To come up with solutions to the challenges
1.4 Research Questions
1. What is the nature of the post-election violence in Nigeria in 2011 in Gombe north senatorial district
2. What are the causes of the violence
3. What are the impacts of the violence on Gombe north senatorial district
4. What are solutions to the challenges
1.5 Research Hypothesis
H0: Post election violence in Nigeria in 2011 had a significant negative impact on Gombe north senatorial district
H1: Post election violence in Nigeria in 2011 did not have a significant negative impact on Gombe north senatorial district
1.6 Limitations of the study
There was limited time and finance during the course of the research
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OIL POLITICS IN NIGER DELTA
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Oil has become a dominant element within the power capability profile of any nation. Nations enter into war because of oil. The Gulf War in 1991 is an example. In Nigeria the crisis is between the federal
government and oil producing communities in the Niger Delta region. Despite the abundant oil wealth, there has been unimaginable mass poverty and negligible development in the region. Efforts by the federal government and oil companies to improve the quality of human lives and to provide infrastructural development have been insufficient to ameliorate the problems. Presently, the insensitivity of government and oil companies have created more tensions and crises which not only threaten the industry, but also national security. In fact, youths within the area, by association of various ethnic militia groups, have become restive in their bid for greater control of their natural resources. The paper, therefore, examines developmental issues in oil producing communities against background of government establishing an internal security task force to deal with the youths. The paper concludes that the federal government and oil companies should change their current hostile approaches in order to work towards infrastructural development of the region.
1.2 Statement of the problem
During the last two decades, the Niger Delta region of Nigeria has been enmeshed in crisis, which has resulted from total neglect and lack of infrastructural development. It is estimated that about 2.5 million barrels of crude oil is produced daily within the region. According to a Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) report, the production contributes almost 95% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings and 90% of its revenue (CBN Annual Report, 2003). However, little substantive progress has been made, which addresses development issues in the producing region.
Hence, the region continues to witness unimaginable mass poverty and low levels of human development, environmental degradation, social inequalities, unemployment, and so on. It is, therefore, an irony of fate that the area, which produces a bulk of the oil is the least
developed in the country.
This situation may be attributed to the nature of revenue allocation formula which has been dysfunctional. It may also be traced to the non performance of the contented disposition of the political leaders who ordinarily should have been the voice of the masses. As a result, every
effort to develop the region through policy reforms and socio-economic and political measures, have yielded little or no result. The absence of any meaningful development has necessitated the control of resources that are within the region. As expected, the youths by way of various ethnic militia groups have become restive in their bid for greater control of their natural endowment.
Presently, this restiveness has manifested in activities such as kidnapping, pipeline vandalization, oil bunkering and other anti-social behaviors that are directly resultant of failed leadership. Hence, the country has not only witnessed an economic crisis, but also political instabilities.
1.3 Objectives of the study
1. To understand the contradictory roles which are played by the Nigerian state; first, in terms of the allocation of resources and, second, as the major recipient of oil revenue.
2. To examine the rate of development in the oil producing Niger Delta area whether it is commensurate with the environmental damage as a result of oil exploration.
3. To highlight the oil industry and politics that have impinged development within the region.
1.4 Research Questions
1. Have the various governments of Nigeria played a fair role in the allocation of oil revenue to the Niger Delta region.
2. Has the rate of development in the oil producing Niger Delta been commensurate with the environmental damage as a result of oil exploration
3.Has the oil industry and politics impinged development within the region.
1.5 Research Hypothesis
H01: The various governments of Nigeria have not played a fair role in the allocation of oil revenue to the Niger Delta region.
H1: The various governments of Nigeria have played a fair role in the allocation of oil revenue to the Niger Delta region.
H02: The oil industry and politics impinged development within the region.
H2: The oil industry and politics impinged development within the region.
1.6 Limitations of the study
Firstly, most of the respondents were uncooperative with giving out unbiased information. This is in addition to insufficient funds and limited time for the research.
1.7 Definition of terms
-Niger Delta:
The Niger delta of Nigeria is also referred to as the south-south. It consists of oil producing states in the country.
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EFFECT OF EVALUATION INSTRUMENTS ON THE PERFORMANCE OF SENIOR SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS IN MATHEMATICS
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Traditionally, the teaching in most Nigeria Senior secondary schools is dominated by a teacher-centered method (Zhenhui 2001, Wang & Farmer 2008). Several researchers have noted that eastern teachers of adults tend to emphasize knowledge, content, teacher-centered classrooms, and exam results while, concepts such as flexibility, problem solving, critical thinking and independent learning are not recognized (Boyle 2000, Zhenhui 2001, Adib-Hajbaghery 2005, Wang & Farmer 2008). As the teachers rely on lecture, most of Nigeria Senior secondary school students see knowledge as something to be transmitted by the teacher (Zhenhui 2001). Japanese, Chinese, Korean and Iranian students are often quiet, shy and uncommunicative in classrooms (Liu & Littlewood 1997, Adib-Hajbaghery, Salsali & Ahmadi 2004, Adib-Hajbaghery 2005, Wang & Farmer 2008). These claims are confirmed by Sato (1982), who compared the participation of Nigeria Seniorsecondary school students in the classroom interactions with that of non-Nigeria Seniorsecondary school students. Sato found that the Asians took fewer speaking turns than their non-Asian classmates. It has also been noted that Korean students prefer that the teacher be the authority (Harshbarger et al. 1986). Nigeria Seniorsecondary school students are reluctant to “stand out” by expressing their views or raising questions, particularly if this might be perceived as expressing public disagreement (Song 1995).
Some studies have also shown that most of the university teachers are not familiar with modern teaching methods (Stitt-Gohdes 2001, Farhadian et al. 2007) and traditional lectures are still the most popular instructional method in the universities (Benjamin 2002, John et al. 2007, Rahmani 2007, Saville 2009). According to Brown (2003), most of the university teachers have been taught in learning environments that were instructor centered, therefore, they teach in this way too. Factors such as simplicity of lecture presentation, its appropriateness for crowded classes, limitation of time and the massive amount of theoretical content which should be presented (Bligh 2000, Adib-Hajbaghery et al. 2004, Adib-Hajbaghery 2005, Farhadian et al. 2007) have also made the instructors to use lectures as the most popular teaching method.
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CORRUPTION AND MISMANAGEMENT IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT SYSTEM IN NIGERIA, CAUSES, EFFECTS AND A WAY FORWARD. A CASE STUDY OF ENUGU SOUTH LGA OF ENUGU STATE
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background of the study
We must now accept the reality that the survival, or at least the stability, of Nigeria is linked to the survival of her democracy – democracy not only in its narrow legalistic sense of notional compliance with the letter of the law but also in its fuller legitimate demands of articulation of popular will through participation and partnership of the people in governance. Such partnership, if genuine and wholesome, invariably yields policies and projects that satisfy the basic needs – political, psychological, economic and social – of the people. It is the view of this writer that the local government system is and should be the founding blocks of an enduring democracy.
It is therefore the purpose of this brief piece to examine the contribution of our present local government system to the health of our democracy. Does our present local government system hinder or help the growth of our democracy? We intend in this brief, very brief, general survey to look at three aspects – namely: the adequacy of the structure that provides the procedural vehicle to our democracy at the local government level, the performance of our democracy at this tier, and the prospects of achieving the intendments of the constitution and the numerous reforms which inspired the relevant laws.
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A SURVEY OF NIGERIA CHINA ECONOMIC RELATIONS,1990 -2010
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background of study
The most widely accepted approach to the study of why nations relate with one another is the theory of realism (T. Dunne 2009:56). Realism as a theory of international relation is based on the idea that nations only relate with one another for self interest (national interest) and the desire for one nation to dominate the other (hegemony).2 However, another school of thought sees the essence of international relations in another perspective. This school of thought postulate the desire of nations to relate on the basis of common interest and the need for common development.3 This school of thought is based on the theory of liberalism and idealism.4 This theory stated there is the need for nations to relate with one another and this kind of relationship is meant to foster national development.5
Additionally, it is expedient to note that nations relate generally for different reasons. There can be diplomatic relations based on politics, economic, social, and military reasons.6 The more economic viable nations depend heavily on the less economic viable nations to suceed.7 It is however sad to note that most developing countries of the world especially countries of Africa are consuming nations. Although most natural resources of the world lies within this territory, the lack of a technological base and other deplorable state of infrastructure has bedeviled their industrial capacity for manufacturing.8 They depend highly on importations of products manufactured from more industrialized and developed nations. Likewise, the developed nations of the world depend on the less developed nations for natural resources for their industries. All pointed towards the need for interdependence for attainment of national development. According to the Karen Mingst, national development encompasses the whole structure of nation’s developmental capacity which has economic development as its fulcrum.
The most powerful nations that control the world’s military and economic strength are called the great powers. The great powers include the United States, Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, Japan and China. These countries are most influential in the world’s politics and economics of international relations.10 China, with a population of 1.3 billion people as at 2007, is the most populous country in the world.11 It has risen to become second largest economy in the world. She is a rising power and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, with far-reaching ambitions. In contrast to China, Africa is a continent of 58 countries which are among the world smallest and poorest, and China has relations with many of them.12 This relationship is due to the interest that China has in the countries.
The quest for political and economic dominance among states occupies the international political system. For the past decade, the Chinese economy has been expanding with enormous energy resources, hence China has now set its sight on Africa. China’s interest in Africa is not new. In the 1960s and 1970s, Beijing’s interest centered on building ideological solidarity with other underdeveloped nations to advance Chinese-style Communism and to repel western Imperialism. Following the cold war, Chinese interests evolved into more pragmatic pursuit such as trade, investment, and energy.14
China’s increasing domestics energy demand, combined with declining domestic petroleum and insufficient coal output, has spurred her to pursue stable overseas energy sources. In 2007, China’s net oil imports amounted to 3.2 million barrels per day or 48% of its total consumption. In 2009, its daily import requirement reached 10.7 million barrels which was 75% of consumption.15 The oil and natural gas production in Asia is not growing fast enough to meet Chinese demand, and a large portion of Middle East oil and gas production is normally allocated to the US and European markets.16 therefore, China must look elsewhere for a new energy source.
Currently an estimated 25% of China’s total oil requirements come from Africa and China has placed high priority on maintaining strong ties with her African energy suppliers through investment, high-level visits and strict policy of non-interference in internal affairs of their suppliers.17 In January 2006, Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing toured six African nations which are Cape Verde, Senegal, Mali, Liberia, Libya and Nigeria. The visit was to strengthening China’s interest in Africa. After the tour, China’s African Policy was released as an official Chinese government paper aimed at promoting economic and political cooperation as well as joint energy development without interfering in each other’s internal affairs.18 Non interference in the internal affairs of other countries is a good posture.
Consequently, the era of sole dependency on western countries like the USA, Britain, France and Germany by African countries is fast gradually coming to an end. Year after year China’s bilateral and multilateral cooperation with African countries is increasing. China today is the Africa’s second-biggest trading partner after the US.16 From Nigeria’s railway and oil exploration contracts to Ghana’s billion dollars transport contracts and Angola’s oil deals, China has gradually taken over most economic trade centres of Africa. In Kenya, China is leading as expected in foreign investments with lucrative infrastructures, telecoms and defence contracts.17 Nearly all areas of the Kenyan economy have attracted considerable interest from the Chinese investors. As reported, China has taken control of major infrastructure projects with an estimated 60 percent market share.18 Road construction, airports, water systems, power generation, housing and hospitals are all under the Chinese.19
Nigeria is one of China’s biggest markets. In July 2007, the Chinese government signed an 800 million dollars crude oil sales agreement with Nigeria in the following 5 years, china was expected to purchase 30,000 barrels of crude oil daily from Nigeria. China won licenses to operate four oil blocs in Nigeria as part of incentives to build a hydro power station. China also launched Nigeria’s first space satellite.19 The satellite launch has further strengthen china’s relationship with Nigeria. The impact of Chinese trade cooperation in Nigeria has been outstanding. The oil sector, whose exploration over the years has been dominated by the western world, is gradually shifting towards the Chinese market. This was evident in 2009 when Nigeria’s NNPC signed an agreement with Sinopec a Chinese company to develop Oil Mining Lease (OML) 64 and 66, located in the waters of the Niger Delta.20 Another area of the influence of Chinese in the Nigerian economy is the power sector and the transport sector which have been the bane of Nigeria’s economic development.
Apart from the participation of the Chinese in the Nigeria economic development another notable influence of the Chinese is their increasing population in Nigeria. Chinese population has increased from 8,300 in 1993 to 45000 in 2009.21 Chinese nationals have over 30 solely owned companies or joint ventures in Nigeria.22 Nigeria’s China town evolved as mere trading settlement however in recent times it has metamorphosed into a large Chinese settlement where most of the settlers are Chinese and most of the shops are owned by them.23 There are 2 important perspectives to China’s interests in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular. These are exploitation without accompanied sustainable national development as explained by the theory of realism. The other perspective is opportunity with sustainable national development as explained by the theory of liberalism. The Chinese increasing interest in Africa in general and Nigeria in particular is therefore an issue to be considered. This is in order to take advantage of the benefits of these relations as it affects the national development of Nigeria.
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TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL AND THE CHALLENGES OF CORRUPT PRACTICES IN NIGERIA 2000-2010
ABSTRACT
The main objective of this work is to access and evaluate transparency international and challenges of corrupt practices in of Nigeria since 2000-2010 . Transparency international, briefly (TI), is a non-governmental organsiation with seat, acting world-wide, in Berlin which engages itself in national and international people and economical corruption fight and raising the awareness of it. This includes, but not limited to political corruption, it publishes yearly its corruption perception index, a comparative listing of corruption worldwide.
Also to understand the negative impact on the economy growth and development of Nigeria. Different types of corruptions will be looked into and how Nigeria was created by the international community during the era of General Sani Abacha from 1993 – 1998. How prominent Nigerian lost their lives and freedom during this era.
Political Corruption as a social malaise has become a ubiquitous in every society of the world. The danger posed by it has brought to many countries unmitigated disaster to both the economy and political systems. Nigeria is not left out in the danger posed by this phenomenon. This work however centres on the political corruption and the dilemma of democracy in Nigeria’s fourth republic pointing out the shameless practice of corruption during the fourth republic.
The global increase in the cases of corruption is as a result of social disorganization has been perceived to be perverted deviation from the norms of a given society in the execution of developmental programmes or social duty where respective societies have striven to eradicate or reduce to the minimum level. Various people from different levels of life exhibit corruption. This paper shall examine the growing cases of corruption in Nigeria, causes of corruption, the effect of corruption in Nation building, it will also examine the role been played by various law enforcement agencies in solving these pandemic situation. The will finally, examine possible solution and with a moral song towards the reduction of corruption menace in our contemporary society.
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ROLE OF AGE GRADE IN BAYELSA
ABSTRACT
New ‘bottom-up’ approaches to development attempt to transform the condition of rural population through the mobilisation and utilisation of their resources.Bayelsa state in Nigeria provides a case study of rural change and the role of social organisations and institutions (especially age-grades, social clubs and town unions) in the drive for rural transformation. These organisations form the pivots of rural self-help and have executed numerous projects but the absence of clear policy guidelines has limited their effectiveness.
Elimination of wide spread poverty and growing income inequality are at the core of all development problems and in fact define for many people, the principal objective of development policy. The dilemma of rural development in Nsugbe Bayelsa state area is that, if all the agricultural and industrial projects started in all corners of the country since 1950s to the present were successful, Nigeria would have recorded substantial food surplus and much of its rural areas would have undergone great transformation. This paper relied overwhelmingly on in-depth interview and secondary documentary sources of data. These were obtained from Bayelsa statewhich were purposively selected on the account of their status as one of the area with the largest population of Urhobo people. A random sampling of the area yielded eight clusters of communities which constituted the study location. 120 randomly selected adult respondents took part in the study while data were subjected to content analysis. Active participation of Bayelsa state age grade in rural development initiatives was widely reported and communities were found to be involved in development projects which they considered relevant to their felt needs and aspirations. This was expressed through the activities of age-grade organization. Although the Bayelsa state age grade has been able to achieve much success within the limit of its resources, the paper recommended an active collaboration with governmental agencies to take rural development in Nsugbe community to a greater height.
This paper examines the tourism potentials of Nsugbe community with a view to harnessing their potentials for sustainable tourism development. These villages were chosen because of the plenitude of tourist attractions (natural and cultural), which they offer; their proximity to the state capital and other valuable opportunities. The paper uses ethnographic method to elicit information and analyze the data collected from respondents. It is contended that a well executed community-based tourism (CBT) will not only create employment opportunities in the selected villages, but will also raise their standard of living.
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CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background of the study
To highlight some significant event and developments in response to a review of Nigeria experience as a nation state, it is intellectual to present a brief survey of the part to understand the distinct phases through which the nation passed to arrive at its present political state and economic condition vis-à-vis revenue allocation. Some of these historical periods have enjoyed such a degree of political stabilitythat in reference to revenue allocation, not only were great or studies made in the promotion of social and economic development, the overall smoothness in the functioning of the governmental system at both the regional and federal levels over shadowed the negative consequences of the power struggles and by the late 1950’s a myth of Nigeria as a “stable democracy” enjoyed considerable international credibility.
The introduction of modern methods of governance on a gradual pace in what could be described as a semi- federal and quasi-democratic structure of 1946 Nigeria, like a newborn baby of the British colonial administration passed through various developmental phases of political growth. By 1957, the political structure has developed into a well-structured democratic federal political process upon the background and modern political process was set Nigeria; in 1979, the constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria provided for a democratic federal structure in the political process.
In this study, it is observed that the introduction of system of political stabilityin the Nigeria political economy dates bank to the political development of 1946. It is note worthy to state that the political stabilitysystem in the political process had indeed been accompanied by constitutional changes over the decades. These suggest that the constitution provides the essential political environment in a nation state.
It is significant that while the constitution emphasis national unity with its concomitant principles of deviation, population and equity of state in revenue allocation, to some observer such constructional provision were not borne out of a true desire for national unity and integration.
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OIL POLITICS IN NIGER DELTA
CHAPTER ONE
Oil has become a dominant element within the power capability profile of any nation. Nations enter into war because of oil. The Gulf War in 1991 is an example. In Nigeria the crisis is between the federal
government and oil producing communities in the Niger Delta region. Despite the abundant oil wealth, there has been unimaginable mass poverty and negligible development in the region. Efforts by the federal government and oil companies to improve the quality of human lives and to provide infrastructural development have been insufficient to ameliorate the problems. Presently, the insensitivity of government and oil companies have created more tensions and crises which not only threaten the industry, but also national security. In fact, youths within the area, by association of various ethnic militia groups, have become restive in their bid for greater control of their natural resources. The paper, therefore, examines developmental issues in oil producing communities against background of government establishing an internal security task force to deal with the youths. The paper concludes that the federal government and oil companies should change their current hostile approaches in order to work towards infrastructural development of the region.
1.2 Statement of the problem
During the last two decades, the Niger Delta region of Nigeria has been enmeshed in crisis, which has resulted from total neglect and lack of infrastructural development. It is estimated that about 2.5 million barrels of crude oil is produced daily within the region. According to a Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) report, the production contributes almost 95% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings and 90% of its revenue (CBN Annual Report, 2003). However, little substantive progress has been made, which addresses development issues in the producing region.
Hence, the region continues to witness unimaginable mass poverty and low levels of human development, environmental degradation, social inequalities, unemployment, and so on. It is, therefore, an irony of fate that the area, which produces a bulk of the oil is the least
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AN ASSESSMENT OF DIPLOMATIC STRATEGIES USED BY NIGERIA TO COUNTER CORRUPTION ON INTERNATIONAL LEVEL
Abstract
This study explores the diplomatic strategies employed by Nigeria to counteract corruption at the international level. Corruption has long been a significant challenge that undermines economic development, governance, and public trust. Nigeria, as one of Africa’s most populous and economically influential nations, has faced significant scrutiny and consequences due to pervasive corruption. This research aims to assess the range and effectiveness of diplomatic measures adopted by Nigeria to combat corruption, enhance its international reputation, and foster cooperation with global partners.
The study examines strategies such as participation in anti-corruption treaties, bilateral agreements with other countries, active roles in international organizations like the United Nations and African Union, and collaborations with global anti-corruption bodies such as Transparency International and the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). Additionally, it explores Nigeria’s use of public diplomacy, legal reforms, and initiatives like the return of stolen assets and fostering accountability through mutual agreements.
This research adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining qualitative content analysis of policy documents, international treaties, and case studies with interviews from policymakers and experts in diplomacy and international relations. The findings are expected to highlight the successes, challenges, and gaps in Nigeria’s diplomatic approaches to combating corruption on the global stage. Ultimately, this study aims to provide insights that can guide policy adjustments and inform strategies to bolster Nigeria’s anti-corruption efforts at the international level.
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]]>