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THE OAU AND THE CONFLICT MANAGEMENT IN THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Biafran War, was a devastating conflict that unfolded between 1967 and 1970 in Nigeria. It was a conflict that resulted from deep-seated ethnic, political, and economic tensions, ultimately leading to the secession of the southeastern region, which declared itself the independent state of Biafra. The war witnessed significant loss of life, displacement of populations, and economic turmoil, making it one of the most tragic episodes in African history.
The Organization of African Unity (OAU), now known as the African Union (AU), played a crucial role in the efforts to manage and ultimately resolve this protracted and brutal conflict. Established in 1963, the OAU had a primary objective of promoting unity and cooperation among African states and, crucially, preventing and resolving conflicts within the continent.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
The Nigerian Civil War presented a significant test for the organization, challenging its principles of sovereignty, non-interference, and peaceful resolution of disputes.
1.3 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This study seeks to examine the role played by the OAU in the conflict management of the Nigerian Civil War. It will explore the historical context that led to the outbreak of the war, the actions taken by the OAU, and the impact of its involvement on the conflict’s resolution. Through an in-depth analysis of primary and secondary sources, including historical records, official documents, and scholarly research, this research will shed light on the OAU’s engagement in this conflict and assess its effectiveness in managing and ultimately ending the war.
1.4 Research Objectives
To provide a comprehensive historical overview of the Nigerian Civil War, highlighting the root causes and significant events leading to the conflict.
To analyze the role of the OAU in the conflict management of the Nigerian Civil War, including the organization’s diplomatic efforts, peacekeeping initiatives, and mediation attempts.
To assess the impact of the OAU’s involvement on the resolution of the Nigerian Civil War, including its influence on the warring parties and the eventual ceasefire and reunification of Nigeria.
To evaluate the lessons that can be drawn from the OAU’s experience in managing the Nigerian Civil War and its implications for contemporary conflict management efforts in Africa.
1.5 Research purpose
Understanding the role of the OAU in the Nigerian Civil War is not only crucial for historical comprehension but also has broader implications for the study of international relations, conflict resolution, and the development of Africa. The OAU’s involvement in the conflict offers insights into the challenges and opportunities faced by regional organizations in addressing complex intra-state conflicts. Moreover, this research contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of the evolution of the African Union, the successor to the OAU, and its approach to conflict management on the continent.
1.6 Scope of the Study
This study is organized into several chapters, each addressing a specific aspect of the OAU’s role in managing the Nigerian Civil War. The subsequent chapters will explore the historical background, the OAU’s diplomatic efforts, peacekeeping missions, mediation attempts, and the eventual resolution of the conflict. Additionally, a critical analysis of the lessons learned from the OAU’s involvement will be presented.
Chapter Two will delve into the historical context of the Nigerian Civil War, examining the factors that led to the outbreak of the conflict. This chapter will lay the foundation for understanding the complexities of the war and the challenges it posed.
Chapter Three will focus on the OAU’s diplomatic efforts in managing the Nigerian Civil War, including early negotiations and attempts to find a peaceful solution. It will assess the OAU’s approach to conflict resolution and its effectiveness in preventing the escalation of the conflict.
Chapter Four will analyze the OAU’s involvement in peacekeeping missions during the war, examining the role of OAU military observers and the challenges they faced in monitoring the ceasefire agreements.
Chapter Five will explore the OAU’s mediation attempts and its influence on the warring parties, as well as its role in facilitating negotiations and the eventual ceasefire agreements.
Chapter Six will assess the impact of the OAU’s involvement on the resolution of the Nigerian Civil War and the eventual reunification of Nigeria.
Chapter Seven will draw conclusions and discuss the broader implications of the OAU’s experience in managing the Nigerian Civil War for contemporary conflict management in Africa.
In summary, this research aims to provide a comprehensive and detailed account of the OAU’s involvement in the Nigerian Civil War, shedding light on its role in conflict management and offering valuable insights for the understanding of conflict resolution in Africa and beyond.
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NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY AFTER THE COLD WAR: DOMESTIC, REGIONAL, AND EXTERNAL INFLUENCES
ABSTRACT:
Nigeria’s Foreign Policy after the Cold War offers a comprehensive assessment of the post-Cold War foreign policy of Nigeria, one of West Africa’s consequential actors in regional politic. Because foreign policy is an extension of the domestic policy of a nation, this study, while multifaceted, shares the premise that effective foreign policy must be built on a sound domestic base and democratic stability.
Nigeria’s imposing position in Africa is of long standing. The significance of its size, population, and economic potential had been recognized even before independence by the British, who perceived Nigeria as likely to play a major role in Africa; as early as 1964 Claude S. Phillips stated that “Nigeria was potentially the greatest power in Africa”.
INTRODUCTION
Nigeria, the most populous country and one of the most powerful states in Africa, is a Gulliver: and the Lilliputians have been Nigeria’s leaders, whose petty ambitions and often inhumane greed – like the creatures in Swift’s tale – have prevented a country of enormous potential from fulfilling its leadership aspirations and development potential. The giant of Africa was in danger of becoming the midget of the world. Africa’s Gulliver faced the threat of becoming the Lilliput of the globe.
A successful Nigerian foreign policy is dependent upon institutions such as the National Assembly, political parties, and civil society organizations, all of which need support and capacity-building. Only when such measures have been implemented and Nigerian leaders have met the other domestic, regional, and international challenges can Africa’s Gulliver start to fulfill its continental leadership ambitions in the post-Cold War period. Without a doubt, Nigeria needs to review its foreign policy goals and practices, both in its intra-African politics and in its global relations – especially in the context of the challenges posed by the paradoxes of globalization. Such an institutional review must be based, of course, on the country’s national interest.
One major consequence of the end of the cold war is the diminishing interest of foreign powers in Africa. The process of decolonization in Africa, on which Nigeria anchored its foreign policy, is now over. Nigeria is in search of a new global and regional role. While there is still some scramble among the big powers for Africa’s oil resources, the competition is far less intense, and presents Nigeria with an opportunity to expand its influence in Africa, particularly in the West African sub-region. Nigeria’s leading military role in ECOMOG is important. But it will not necessarily increase Nigeria’s overall influence in the sub-region. As a matter of fact, due to its economic weakness, Nigeria will find it increasingly difficult to act as the ‘policeman’ of the region. It cannot continue to rely on foreign powers for logistics support in its peace keeping role in the region. The increased military presence of foreign powers in the Gulf region, the under belly of Nigeria, is due to the inability of our armed forces to provide security in the region. Whatever Nigeria’s military role in the sub-region might be, this has to be complemented by non-military means such as the creation of a common regional economic structure, the expansion of regional economic structure, the expansion of regional economic opportunities, and the promotion of democratic values throughout the sub-region. Nigeria must accept that the promotion of democratization in Africa is in its long term national interests. But to achieve this objective, it must first put its own house in order.
Justification of Research
Since Nigeria became independent in 1960 its foreign policy, like that of most other countries, has witnessed successes and failures. Nigeria has been extraordinarily naive by restricting its foreign policy to Africa as its cornerstone. It was a laudable goal before the 1990s, but its evolution is needed for Nigeria to meet the needs of today’s diplomacy as we move into the next millennium. Africa as the centerpiece of Nigeria’s foreign policy no longer suffices; a broader perspective is necessary. Although Nigeria hasn’t got the means and might to have a global foreign policy, it should endeavor to take more into consideration current trends in international relations and diplomacy such as globalization, human rights, and democracy.
In the opinion of Ebenezer Okpokpo, (The Challenges Facing Nigeria’s Foreign Policy in the Next Millennium 2000) successive military dictatorships in Nigeria have used the Africa cornerstone slogan to lure compliant like-minded African regimes to support their unpopular regimes. This was the price Nigeria had to pay for the support of dictatorial African states. Now, we are a democracy and we have to speak out and stand tall within the international community. We no longer have to beg for support from other military dictatorships for limited gains within African diplomatic circles. Africa alone should no longer be the one and only reason for the existence of a foreign policy in Nigeria. None of the important international diplomatic actors, such as the USA, France and Great Britain, build their foreign policy on only one pillar. Nigeria shouldn’t be an exception if it wants to play a role in current high level diplomatic circles.
Aims and Objectives
The aims and objectives of this study are to examine;
1. The domestic factors that determines the formulation of Nigeria’s foreign policy.
2. Nigeria’s foreign policy since the end of the Cold War, and its impact on Nigeria’s relations with other African states as well as Super power states.
Scope
This project research work intends to be a theoretical presentation of the Nigerian foreign policy after the Cold War. Although, the end of the Cold War marked a distinct period in the international political system, yet it plays a significant role in shaping the foreign policies of African states including Nigeria. The Cold War ended in 1990 and that marks the starting point of this study since the period marked the end of the Multi-polar system and the beginning of the Bi-polar system as animated by the United States of America. This study terminates in 2007 as the foreign policy of Nigeria still remains the same as from previous times to the inception of the Obasanjo’s administration which spans from May 29th 1999 to May 29th 2007.
This study will cover the basic domestic factors that are perceived to be the determinants of formulating Nigeria’s foreign policy, also how Nigeria has interacted with her immediate neighbors and the rest of Africa being that Africa is the center piece of Nigeria’s foreign policy. Furthermore, this study highlights Nigeria’s participation in international and regional organizations as well as her relations with super powers like the US, Britain, and France. This would enable us to see the extent to which Nigerian foreign policy has developed and had evolved since the end of the Cold War.
TABLE OF CONTENT:
INTRODUCTION
LITERATURE REVIEW
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Bibliography
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UNITED NATIONS AND GENDER EQUALITY: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
How is the relative status of women and men related to economic growth and development? In many parts of the world, women have few resources or rights and little opportunity to improve their lives. They are restricted in terms of education, ownership of property, monetary return for their work, financial opportunities, and opportunities to influence decision-making at the level of the family and society. Country by country, the lack of resources and opportunities open to women is strongly associated with society-wide poverty or lack of development. Charles Humana (1992), for example, reports that almost all of the countries ranked in the top quintile of wealth provide social and economic equality to women; none of those in the poorest quintile do.
This paper reviews the economic literature that touches the role of gender in the economy, with specific focus on issues and challenge that might be expected to be the most critical for overall development in Nigeria.
We define what gender equality means; present stylized facts about the current relative status of women and men; and touch on the methodological difficulties encountered in studying this topic. We then present the issues and analyses from studies concerning gender equality and the status of women in both the developed and the less developed worlds. There is wide range in women’s status across countries, just as there is a wide range of differences in the level of economic welfare. In some cases the research allows a look at how a country’s economic development over time is associated with changes in the role of her women.
Economic studies of this issue are found in the fields of labor economics, family economics, growth and development economics and political economics. The latter portion of this paper presents explanatory models, and reviews literature on factors that challenge or facilitate gender equality.
1.1 Background Of The Study
The issue of gender inequality in Nigeria in particular and Africa in general has been debated since the introduction of western formal education during the colonial period. Starting from the late 1950s and early 1960s when many African countries acquired their political independence, this date has taken a new dimension in local as well as international fora.
What role do women’s class and gender status play in national development: that question and many others were examined at recent seminar and meeting organized specially to address the issue of gender imbalance in access to polities and education in Nigeria. There were two major conferences in March, 1990. The Jointien conference on education for all, sponsored by several international organizations including the world Bank, UNESCO, etc, and the Mexico world congress on planning and management of educational development also organized by UNESCO.
In Africa, the sixth Regional conference sponsored by UNESCO, with the co-operation of the organization of Africa unity (O.A.U), and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, was held in July, 1991 in Dakar. The problem of uplifting the burden of women, for national development received attention at a recent seminar on women and demographic change in Dakar, Senegal in March, 1993.
The seminar was organized by the international union for the scientific study of population (IUSSP) and brought together more than 60 experts from Africa and elsewhere , from the discussions, a consensus was reached that women’s class and gender status have been neglected by both demographers and policy makers interested in population change and that the first step toward getting women’s issues of the agenda of the population and development sector is to improve understanding on how women’s position in society varies across Africa and shapes demographic outcomes. (Emezi, C.E and Ndoh, C.A 1998:181)
1.2 Statement Of Research Problem
The research examined and analyzes the effect of United Nations and the challenges of promoting gender equality in Nigeria.
1.3 Aims And Objectives Of Research
The research is aimed at achieving the following objectives:
To assess the factors that affects gender inequality.
To examine the influence of United Nations and the challenges of promoting gender equality in Nigeria.
To proffer solutions woman’s empowerment and strengthening development.
1.4 Significance / Justification Of Study
Economists have long tried to understand why some countries are poor and some rich, and why some develop and grow while others remain stagnant. As research has moved from Solow’s growth theories to endogenous growth, we are still unable to explain the huge difference in GDP per capital that exists among countries. Explanations that developed countries have greater technological
progress, a higher rate of investment and saving, better education, skill levels and infrastructure leave unanswered the question of where these differences come from (see Weil, 2005). Macroeconomics theories have influenced the World Bank and the IMF policies over the decades as these institutions attempted to help developing countries towards economic growth and development. Easterly (2001) recounts the history of attempted solutions that have repeatedly turned out to be disappointments, a situation he explains as the result of a lack of attention to the incentives that people face in their environments. The literature and its prominent authors are currently moving towards explaining the growth discrepancy between the poor and the rich nations with factors like social infrastructure (Hall and Jones, 1999), values (Guiso et al., 2002), trust (Knack and Keefer, 1997), religion (Barro, 2002;
Dollar and Gatti, 1999) or other aspects of the culture (Weil, 2005). These new explanations will increasingly require a better understanding of the roles, status and behavior of a heretofore largely ignored half of the population – women.
These new efforts sometimes involve expanding our understanding of what is meant by the concept of development itself. Most prominently, Noble-laureate Amartya Sen (1999) argues that increasing GDP by itself should not be the ultimate goal of efforts to help poor countries. Rather, what aid should hope to maximize are the freedoms associated with wealth: freedom to exchange goods and labor, freedom to make choices and influence one’s life, freedom to live longer, freedom to get an education. He suggest that restrictions on an individual’s right to own property, save, borrow, become educated, make labor contracts or to control the products of one’s own labor would qualify as disincentives to growth, while freedom to exercise these activities would be associated with economic growth. Given that roughly half of the population of any country is female, it is reasonable to postulate that a society’s failure to provide such freedoms or resources to them would be reflected in failures at the macroeconomics level as well.
Although the literature exploring such a relationship between the freedoms accorded women and development is still small, interest in this area is growing. Those in grass root development work generally acknowledge the importance of the status of women in development, believing that these restrictions on freedoms are directly counterproductive for development. The United Nations Millennium Development Goals, for example, include gender issues among the top priorities. United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the World Bank have also done extensive research on gender and development.
Generally speaking, however, much of the work in economics has little theoretical interest in women’s welfare per se. Standard economic theories such as those in public choice or welfare economics do not focus on individual characteristics; the individual actor in welfare economics could equally well be a world citizen, a country national, a man or a woman. However, empirical work requires that gender be controlled for, as women’s behavior differs from that of men to such an extent that a single explanatory model is not applicable. An example of this will be seen in the empirical growth studies by Robert Barro.
Those writing in the feminist economics tradition challenge the general invisibility of gender in economic studies and urge that it be considered in order to avoid further biased results (Ferber and Nelson 2003). Emphasizing efficiency at the cost of equity, economists shy away from interpersonal utility comparisons. Yet, if the welfare of women is important, we need to identify the separate constraints on women in order to assess how lifting them affects economic choice and development.
We need to be aware of cultural issues such as gender restrictions (on both sexes), and changes in them, when analyzing the effect of gender-related issues on development. Blank and Reimers (2003) point out that the standard economic method of focusing on choices under given tastes and constraints tends to simply accept the status quo concerning cultural issues as permanent and unchanging. This raises concern given the large changes in gender roles over the past hundred years.
Psychology, sociology, and anthropology give insights on how such tastes and desires are formed.
However, the economists tend to be relatively uninformed on the results of other social sciences. Some of the newer fields in economics, such as behavioral economics, take these challenges more seriously. Another example of rising awareness of the need to consider changing social norms and culture is a recent book on economic growth by David Weil (2005), which places considerable emphasis on culture and values.
1.5 Theoretical Framework
Gender equality (and women’s empowerment) has become one of the central themes in global treaties, covenants and declarations principally due to the understanding that it is a catalyst to clear-cut development strategies which is targeted at poverty reduction, improved living standards, good governance and profitably productive investments that are critical to the creation of an enlarged capacity that provide men and women equal opportunity and unrestrained access to decision-making and policy implementation institutions and processes.
Essentially too, African countries have demonstrated some measure of concern about human development problems by initiating specific developmental goals and strategies and accepting the critical role of gender equality or parity in the developmental process. The African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) adopted in 1981; the Women Right Protocol of 2003; the ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance and the New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD) adopted in 2001 are some of the initiatives that are linked with the Millennium Development Goals and at the same time, a testimony to commendable response in the African continent.
Historically, women have comparatively been subjected to marginalization, oppression and injustice both in public and private life. Although the Millennium Declaration underscored the importance of eliminating all forms and shades of discrimination, exploitation, social harassment and gender bias as well as all situations that encourage the infringement of the rights of women through government policies and decisions, traditional and customary practices, cultural prejudices and religious extremism, a lot more commitment and a pragmatic approach that will translate into concrete actions are desirable around the globe, particularly in Africa. Parity between boys and girls in primary school enrolment has, for instance, been achieved in most regions of the world, except sub-Saharan Africa and Southern Asia. Gender disparity in tertiary education is also still tilted in favour of men in Africa and women access to paid employment that is secured in the light of income and social importance is still very low when juxtaposed with that of men in all sectors including agriculture. However, women’s access to political decision-making, especially in terms of their share of seats in the parliament has gradually and steadily increased globally.
Today, it is instructive to note that due to the realization of the gap created by the marginalization and social injustice against women and the missing link in the developmental agenda by the limited access to existing opportunities in virtually all sectors of the socio-political and economic setting, women are gradually coming into public fore. A plausible explanation for this trend and development is the thinking that one of the indicators of the progress and development of any nation is the position of women in that society (Akpoveta, 2008:191; Thompson and Hickey 2012). It therefore follows that women are seen to represent a tool for positive change, an end that depends on the level of access to the opportunity for actualizing their potentials and talents.
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THE US SECURITY POLICY AND NORTH KOREA NUCLEAR PROGRAMME
Abstract
This study examines the interface between the US security policy and North Korea nuclear programme. The thrust of the study however is to find out if the US government perceived North Korea nuclear programme as a threat to its national security on the one hand and part of its war on terror, between 2000 and 2008 on the other. The study also investigated whether the US government security policy on North Korea nuclear programme relegates multilateral intervention on nuclear weapon development within the same period. Relying on the realist approach which tackles politics for what it is without moralizing it, qualitative method and qualitative descriptive method of analysis, and relying on secondary sources, the study argues that the US government perceived North Korea nuclear programme as a threat to its national security as well part of its war on terror, between 2000 and 2008 and as such orient its security policy on North Korea nuclear programme to relegate multilateral intervention on nuclear weapon development. Accordingly, the study maintains that the US government should really curtail the rate at which it seeks, foster and protect what it regards as its national interests as this accounts for North Korea’s nuclear enrichment.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background Of study
The posture of the US foreign and defense policies especially in the post-Cold War era of international politics has demonstrated blatantly and abundantly a tendency to seek power, increase power and to demonstrate power (Morganthau, 1973). More importantly, the 9/11 terrorist attack did transform the way America government think about their foreign and defense policies. In fact, there have been remarkable changes in U.S defense and nuclear weapons policy following the 9/11 terrorist attack. These changes in U.S nuclear weapon policy were announced in two official documents that were released by the Bush’s administration in 2002. Both documents, according to Intriligator (2003), were influenced, in part, by the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the U.S. The first of these documents is the U.S Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) issued by the U.S Department of Defense which expressively states that “A combination of offensive and defensive and nuclear and non-nuclear capabilities is essential to meet the deterrence requirements of the 21st century” (cited in Intriligator, 2003:2). The second of these documents is the National Security Strategy of the United States of America (NSS). Issued by the Office of the National Security Advisor to the President in September, 2000, the document reveals that there are plans to ensure that no nation could rival U.S military strength. It proclaims the doctrine of U.S preemption, where it “cannot let our enemies strike first” and gives arguments for preemption. It notes that for “centuries, international law recognized that nations need not suffer an attack before they can lawfully take action to defend themselves against forces that present an imminent danger of attack.” (Intriligator, nd: 2).
Thus, influenced mostly by the latter document, President George W. Bush, on June 1st, 2002, at West Point, set forth a new doctrine for U.S security policy. According to him,
The successful strategies of the cold war era are ill-suited to national defense in the 21st century. Deterrence means nothing against terrorist networks; containment will not thwart unbalanced dictators possessing weapons of mass destruction. We cannot afford to wait until we are attacked. In today’s circumstances, Americans must be ready to take ‘preemptive action’ to defend our lives and liberties (Galston, 2002: np).
With this, George W. Bush not only introduced what has since been widely known as “Bush Doctrine”, but has also made it an official part of U.S policy. Therefore, US defense/strategic policy under George W. Bush, as aptly described by Falk (2002) implies striking first, not in a crisis, but on the basis of shadowy intentions, alleged potentials links to terrorist groups, supposed plans and projects to acquire weapons of mass destruction, and anticipations of possible future dangers.
Meanwhile, the US government, even before the 9/11, appeared to have been committed to unilateral military solution to the problems of terrorism and acquisition and possible use of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). Hence, in the aftermath of the 11 September terrorist attacks, the United States found justification to harass, intimidate, attack and dethrone regimes suspected of either harboring terrorists, amassing weapons of mass destruction or colluding with the known terrorist organizations. These states were variously labeled by the Bush administration as “terrorist states”, “axis of evil”, “rogue states”, among others and therefore proclaimed its determination to attack “foes in anticipation of hostile acts” and to carry out these attacks “unilaterally, presumably without prior authorization from the United Nations Security Council” (cited in Wirtz and Russel, 2003: 117). True to its threat, the administration of Bush preemptively and unilaterally attacked Iraq in 2003, dethroning its leader- Saddam Hussein and installing another government which is believed to be pliable to the government on the United States. However, despite the avalanche of criticisms and condemnations that have trailed the US unilateralism and hegemonism in the aftermath of the Cold war, the US government, particularly the administration of George Bush, did maintain unequivocally that the menace of terrorism as well as the potential dangers posed by the accumulation and the possible use of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) by the “rogue states” has made the resort to preemption unquestionably desirable.
As for the North Korea, various diplomatic efforts have been underway, in the last 25 years, to grapple with the North Korean nuclear issue in terms of whether to prevent North Korea from acquiring nuclear weapons or to disarm its assumed nuclear weapons capability. At different times, the instruments to achieve these objectives have included an international treaty (the NPT), a regional nuclear-free zone (the NSDD) and a bilateral agreement between the US and North Korea. In the end, none of these diplomatic efforts and agreements has been fully successful, although, in different degrees, they have helped to delay or constrain – sometimes very significantly – North Korea’s nuclear weapons efforts (Niksch, 2002). The current diplomatic effort involves a fourth variation – a Six Party multilateral agreement or perhaps a package of bilateral agreements stitched together in an overall multilateral framework. As with previous efforts, the future success or failure of the Six Party Talks is uncertain.
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THE IMPACT OF CIVIL WAR ON NIGERIAN FOREIGN POLICY
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
The Nigerian Civil War, commonly known as the Biafran War (6 July 1967 – 15 January 1970), was a war fought between the government of Nigeria and the secessionist state of Biafra. Biafra represented nationalist aspirations of the Igbo people, whose leadership felt they could no longer coexist with the Northern-dominated federal government. The conflict resulted from political, economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions which preceded Britain’s formal decolonization of Nigeria from 1960 to 1963. Immediate causes of the war in 1966 included a military coup, a counter-coup and persecution of Igbo living in Northern Nigeria. Control over the lucrative oil production in the Niger Delta played a vital strategic role
Within a year, the Federal Government troops surrounded Biafra, capturing coastal oil facilities and the city of Port Harcourt. The blockade imposed during the ensuing stalemate led to severe famine. During the two and half years of the war, there were about 100,000 overall military casualties, while between 500,000 and 2 million Biafran civilians died of starvation.
In mid-1968, images of malnourished and starving Biafran children saturated the mass media of Western countries. The plight of the starving Biafrans became a cause célèbre in foreign countries, enabling a significant rise in the funding and prominence of international non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Britain and the Soviet Union were the main supporters of the Nigerian government in Lagos, while France, Israel and some other countries supported Biafra. France and Israel provided weapons to both combatants.
Nigerian civil war (which was fought from 1967 to 1970) was considered to be one of the major internal determinants of the country’s foreign policy. The civil war was perceived from two different perspectives which explain the stands of the two different camps during the war period (Biafrans and Federal Government). To the ‘Biafran’ secessionists, the Nigerian civil war was a war of freedom and independence while the Federal Government of Nigeria saw the civil war as the war to preserve national unity and maintain territorial integrity (in Enuka and Odife, 2014) . This was supported by Dudley (1982: 283)that “for much of this period Nigeria was fighting to contain the threat of secession and possible disintegration, and policy was dominated by the [sic] primary consideration of maintaining the unity of the state”. This necessitated the need for the re-evaluation of the Nigerian foreign policy. The secessionist camp headed by Colonel Emeka Ojukwu unilaterally proclaimed the independence of the region on May 30, 1967 and renamed the region ‘Republic of Biafra’ (Enuka and Odife, 2014). His action was countered by Colonel Yakubu Gowan through the creation of stat,e and proclamation of state of emergency (Dudley, 1982 and lzah, 1991). The Ojukwu’s order and Gowon’s counter order plunged the country into disorder for about 30 months (Enuka and Odife, 2014).The occurrence of civij war in Nigeria was predicated by a myriad configuration of factors, among which are located in the structural division that is referred to as North-South dichotomy. Right from the colonial days, the unity of the country was on a fragile foundation, regionalism and regional political consideration and controversy over the 1962/63 census results which culminated into serious regional political tension among others (Yusufu, 2011, Enuka and Odife, 2014). The factors that led to the collapse of the First Republic were exacerbated by the interpersonal clash between Gowan and Ojukwu which resulted into the Civil War
The evolution of Nigerian’s foreign policy cannot be understood without first knowing what is foreign policy? For the sake of this study I shall define foreign policy as a strategy or planned course of actions developed by the decision makers of a country aimed at manipulating the international communities in order to achieve certain national interest. From the above one could infer that foreign policy is the articulation of a country’s national objectives and how such objectives is related to other countries. The evolution of Nigerian’s foreign policy could be divided into two, namely pre-colonial times and post-independent period. The pre-colonial times is when the entity Nigeria came into existence i.e. from 1914-1960, when the country was still under the colonial rule of the British government, while the second phase is from independence to date. I will focus on the second stage of the Nigerian’s foreign policy because that is when we can say that she really has an interest. From 1914- the later part of 1960, the interest of the British is the interest of the entity called Nigeria. A writer put is this way, the interest of her Majesty government in England is the interest of the then dependent state of Nigeria. The post independent period saw the formation of a truly indigenous foreign policy that was truly called a Nigerian’s foreign policy, with the coming of successive government the policy has been mortified. Since independence in 1960, the foreign policy of Nigeria has been like a chameleon, it changes in colour but its substance remains the same, Anyaele states as follows, the protection of our national interest has remained permanent in Nigerian’s foreign policy, but the strategies for such protection has varied from one regime to another. This means that all the government from independent to date has pursued the same goal and objective but in deferent way. The formation and execution of Nigerian’s foreign policy from independence to date has been carried out fewer than twelve administrations through the External Affairs Ministry. From the administration of Sir Balewa on October 1st, 1960 to the administration of president Obasanjo on May 29th, 2003, they have all pursued the same national interest, the prevailing domestic and international affairs determines the actions and responds of external matters. The strength or weakness of Nigerian’s domestic economy and socio-political conditions have been the basic problem of implementation of her foreign policy, Anyaele states that foreign policy is a reflection of domestic policy, it is the promotion of national interest at international level. One can therefore state that the evolution of Nigerian’s foreign policy stated when Nigeria gained independent as a sovereign nation and not when she was under the colonial authority of Her majesty government, because as a dependent nation she has no interest of her own except that of her colonial master
There may have been previous researches in this subject. This work gives further explanations and analysis in the impact of civil war on nigerian foreign policy
H0: There is no relationship between the experiences of the Nigeria civil war, and the development of Nigeria foreign policy
H1: There is a relationship between the experiences of the Nigeria civil war, and the development of Nigeria foreign policy
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THE AFRICAN UNION AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT IN AFRICA: A CASE STUDY OF SUDAN, 2010-2018
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY
The history of Africa has been replete with conflicts. Conflicts have ripped through the continent such that in Africa today, conflict in human security has emerged. The resultant effects are increasing internal conflicts, frustrated aspirations and rising social tensions. Other effects are the displacement of people from their societies, value systems as well as loss of governments and institutions. The need to rid the continent from the scourge of conflicts and crises necessitated the birth of the Organization for African Unity (OAU) on 25 May 1963 (Obasanjo, 2005).
The initial OAU mechanism for conflict management in Africa was the Commission for Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration (CMCA), which came into effect in 1964. However, the post Cold War era brought about a new political stability and social economic development. Thus, the OAU attempted to change its mechanism for conflict management by adopting the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution (MCPMR) in 1993 (Lemarchand). This mechanism was found to be deficient in some areas especially, the power to interfere in the internal affairs of member states. This was amongst the reasons for the transformation of the Organization into the African Union (AU) in 2004 (Imobighe, 2003:67). Today, Africa is plagued by conflicts most of which are intra state in nature. Thus, the regional organisation, AU has its hands full of crises requiring resolution. These conflicts and crises which occurred mostly in Sub-Saharan Africa have been protracted, thus posing serious challenges to the AU.
The drift by some African States into unmitigated chaos became a constant source of worry to many leaders in the continent and the international community at large. The series of conferences and summits held across the continent reflected this. It was at an Ordinary Summit of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in 2001 that the Constitutive Act of AU was adopted by 53 member states of the OAU in Lome, Togo (Salim, 2002:18). Furthermore, the desire for a stronger organisation that would be capable of handling the numerous conflicts that plagued the continent provided the initiative that paved the way for the birth of the AU. This process began in Sirte, Libya in September 1999 during an extraordinary summit of the OAU (Salim, 2002:23).
The AU, thus aimed at achieving greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and its people, defending the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member states. It was also to accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent; and promote peace, security and stability on the continent (Constitutive Act of the AU, Article 4).
The Constitutive Act of the Union was then to enter into force 30 days after the deposit of the instrument of ratification by two-thirds of the member states of the OAU. Consequently, the Act entered into force on 26 May 2000 after Nigeria deposited its instrument of ratification with the OAU Secretariat on 26 April 2000; being the thirty-sixth member state to do so (Constitutive Act of the AU, Article 4).
At its inception, the AU in a bid to realise collective security in the continent set out certain principles to guide the union. The principles and values informing the African Collective Security Policy include, inter-alia, the principles contained in Article 4 of the Constitutive Act of the AU.
The indivisibility of the security of African States is made such that the security of one African country is inseparably linked to the security of other African countries, and the African continent as a whole. Accordingly, any threat or aggression on one African country is deemed to be a threat or aggression on the others and the continent as a whole. These threats are then brought to the immediate attention of the Assembly of the Union or the Peace and Security Council (PSC) for decision and action as appropriate, in conformity with the AU principles and objectives (Constitutive Act of the AU, Article 4).
Conscious of the inadequacy of the clause of non-interference in the affairs of member states, a new clause in the Constitutive Act of the AU expressed the right of the Union to intervene. This is in pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. The clause resulted from experiences gained in previous conflict management attempts in the continent under the OAU.
The AU has been involved in the management of the Sudanese, Ethiopia-Eritrea and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) crises among others in Africa. However, with the eventual transformation of the OAU into AU, crises management and peace support operations remain a process. This in the opinion of many still requires extra efforts on the part of the organisation. Salim Ahmed Salim, a former Secretary General of OAU succinctly made the point when he declared:
…with the creation of the mechanism for conflict prevention, management in Cairo in 1993, a view and significantly different vision emerged in one continent. The creation of that mechanism signified a change from the position of “don’t interfere” to one “collective concern” for the peace, security and stability of the people of our continent. The doctrine became what happens to my neighbour is my responsibility also”. Since then, the issue of internal conflicts has become a matter of continental concern (Constitutive Act of the AU, Article 4).
The management of conflicts and crises by Africans has thus presented an opportunity on the emergence of the AU. Though the AU is still new, the expectations of Africans in the ability of the organisation to manage conflicts and crises, is indeed very high. It remains to be seen if this optimism can be translated into effective conflict and crises management which would lead to successful conflict resolution.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
The African continent has been synonymous with conflicts even before the formation of the OAU and now AU. This situation cannot be divorced from historical factors surrounding the formation of nation states in Africa prominent among which was the partition of the continent by the European powers at the Berlin Conference of 1884 to 1885. This conference was to change the course of events in Africa. It brought people with different and antagonistic ideologies together under single states without putting in place mechanisms to ensure harmonious existence among them. This was the starting point of recurrent conflicts and crises in Africa.
In the Post Cold War era, African conflicts and crises have been largely intrastate except the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict and that of the DRC (Salim, 2002:33). They have also been too frequent that the AU appears overwhelmed. The recurrence of conflicts in the continent has become a factor for the assumption that AU mechanisms for conflict management are perhaps deficient in some respects.
If the AU must improve on its mechanisms for conflict management and peace support operations, the challenges confronting the organisation need to be identified with a view to working out a better approach. It is in this context that this research examines the issues and prospects of AU conflict management.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH
The following under listed are the objectives of this research:
(1) To discuss the AU mechanisms for conflict and conflict management in Africa.
(2) To discuss the challenges of the current AU conflict management mechanisms.
(3) Examine the prospects of enhancing AU mechanisms for crises management in the continent.
(4) To suggest possible ways on how best to improve the AU mechanisms for crises management.
1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The importance of this study is appreciable in the fact that:
(1) The AU Secretariat staff and policy makers would benefit from it as it presents viable prospects to address issues raised.
(2) It will also contribute to the existing body of knowledge on crises management by the AU in Africa.
(3) It will serve as reference material for further research in the area of crises management.
1.5 SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH
This research covers events in Africa regarding conflicts from 2000 to 2008. This period provides room for assessing the efficiency of AU mechanisms for conflict management from her inception to date.
1.6 LIMITATIONS OF THE RESEARCH
The study faced with some limitations. This arose from the inability of the researcher to interview key individuals who are stakeholders in conflict management under the auspices of the AU. However, a few interviews of past officials of the AU and some diplomats as well as military personnel who had participated in AU Peace Support Operations (PSOs) assisted in the attainment of the research objectives.
1.7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
This study answered the following research questions:
(1) Is there any significant relationship between AU mechanisms for conflict management and conflict management in Africa?
(2) Are AU mechanisms for conflict management in Africa effective?
(3) Are there challenges and prospects of AU mechanisms for conflict management in Africa?
(4) Are there other measures that could be adopted by the AU to make its mechanisms for conflict management more effective in the continent?
1.8 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
The study tested the following hypotheses:
(1) HO – The AU mechanisms for conflict management is not faced with challenges in managing conflict in Africa.
(2) HA – The AU mechanisms for conflict management is faced with challenges in managing conflict in Africa.
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SYRIAN CRISIS SINCE 2011 CAUSE, COURSE AND CONSEQUENCES
ABSTRACT
This paper the causes, course and consequences of syrian crisis. The study covers six year period since 2011to 2016. A quasi-experimental design was adopted for the study of 450 respondents. The study use a simple percentage method to analysze the data collected through the instrumentn of questionnaire. The instrument was validated (reliability coefficient=0.56) and administered both as pre- and post- tests. The findings of the paper reveal that the crisis led to the displacement of persons from syria to other countries .
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Syrian uprising began in March 2011 with anti-government protests in provincial areas. The government of President Bashar al-Assad responded with a bloody crackdown on initially peaceful gatherings, along with piecemeal concessions that stopped short of genuine political reform. After almost a year and a half of unrest, the conflict between the regime and the opposition has escalated to a full-scale civil war. Army defectors formed armed groups that wage a guerrilla war on government forces. By mid-2012 the fighting has reached capital Damascus and commercial hub Aleppo, with growing numbers of senior army officers deserting Assad.
However, key army units remain loyal to the regime, and while Assad’s long-term survival chances don’t seem great, he is far from finished. A prolonged bloody civil war lies ahead, with possibly disastrous consequences for Syria’s multi-religious and multi-ethnic society.
The Syria crisis was declared a level-three (L3) humanitarian emergency in January 2013. A humanitarian appeal was launched in June 2013, the largest ever launched by the United Nations.1Although an L3 humanitarian emergency requires a mandatory inter-agency humanitarian evaluation, in the case of Syria, the Steering Group for Inter-Agency Humanitarian Evaluations concurred to undertake a different type of evaluative work, which would provide for an appropriate level of lesson learning and system-wide accountability to help guide the ongoing response to the Syria crisis.
In January 2014, the Steering Group for Inter-Agency Humanitarian Evaluations set up the Coordinated Accountability and Lessons Learning (CALL) initiative to support evaluations of the humanitarian response to the Syria crisis. The Inter-Agency Standing Committee’s (IASC) Transformative Agenda driving the humanitarian system’s initiatives for greater effectiveness and accountability underpins the Syria CALL. Accordingly, a major concern of CALL is the establishment of effective modalities for coordinating evaluation and lesson-learning activities across humanitarian actors and among relevant evaluation networks, such as the Active Learning Network for Accountability and Performance in Humanitarian Action (ALNAP), the United Nations Evaluation Group (UNEG) and the Evaluation Network of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development/Development Assistance Committee (OECD/DAC).
This report is the Common Context Analysis of the Syria crisis, and it is one of the three primary deliverables of CALL. The others are the ALNAP Evaluation Portal2and a Common Evaluation Framework. Together, these products will serve as an “evaluation starter pack” for IASC agencies to support their evaluation work.
This Common Context Analysis aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the Syria crisis and the humanitarian impact in the region. Together with the Common Evaluation Framework, this Common Context Analysis will ensure a systematic and coherent approach to building evaluative evidence. This Common Context Analysis aims to offer a ready-to-use common understanding of the crisis, thus saving evaluation teams’ time and research, and avoiding unnecessary duplication.
The primary focus of this Common Context Analysis is the Syria crisis and its regional spillover. Cause of the outbreak of the Syria crisis, and it examines the condition of the Syrian State and civil society before March 2011.
A chemical attack outside Damascus on August 21 brought the US on the brink of a military intervention in Syria, but Barack Obama pulled back at the last moment after Russia offered to broker a deal under which Syria would hand over its stockpile of chemical weapons. Most observers interpreted this turn-about as a major diplomatic triumph for Russia, raising questions over Moscow’s influence in the wider Middle East. But the military balance on the ground remains unchanged, with the regime and the rebels locked in a slow-moving conflict using conventional weapons, inexorably reducing all of Syria into a pile of dust.
Diplomatic efforts at a peaceful resolution of the crisis led by Kofi Annan have failed decisively, leading to Annan’s resignation in August 2012. This is partly due to disagreements between Russia, Syria’s traditional ally, and the West. The US, long at odds with Syria over its links to Iran, has called on Assad to resign. Russia, which has substantial interests in Syria, has insisted that Syrians alone should decide the fate of their government.
In the absence of an international agreement on a common approach, Gulf Arab governments and Turkey are stepping up military and financial assistance for Syrian rebels. Meanwhile, Russia continues to back Assad’s regime with weapons and diplomatic support while Iran, Assad’s key regional ally, provides the regime with financial assistance.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Initially, lack of freedoms and economic woes fuelled resentment of the Syrian government, and public anger was inflamed by the harsh crackdown on protesters. Successful uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt energised and gave hope to Syrian pro-democracy activists. Many Islamist movements were also strongly opposed to the Assads’ rule.
The group has been expanding its territory since it first captured parts of Northern and Eastern Syria in 2013-2014. In 2015, ISIS militants clinged to key territories across Iraq and expanded their hold in Syria. ISIS has been continuously growing, feeding into the narrative of momentum and inevitability that then feeds recruitment to ISIS. ISIS is overthrowing modern state boundaries, resulting in massive ethno-sectarian killing and cleansing.
Already threatening to escalate violence between Middle Eastern states fighting proxy wars in Syria for several years, ISIS may have military operations that cascade into a broader regional conflict. ISIS is a direct threat to neighboring states in the Middle East and is broadcasting its intent to attack Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the West.
• Humanitarian Crisis:
– Human Rights Violations: A UN report found evidence that all parties to the conflict have committed war crimes – including murder, torture, rape and enforced disappearances. Rebels and governments forces have also both been accused of denying access to food, water, and health services along with sexual violence throughout the war.
– Refugee Crisis: Since fighting began, more than 7.5 millions Syrians have been internally displaced or approximately 1/3 of the country’s population. An additional 4.1 million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries, including Jordan and Turkey, to flee the violence since 2011.
• Assad’s Resolve: Since Russia intervened in the Syrian Civil War, government forces have fought back from their lowest point in May 2015 and begun a series of successful o↵ensive operations around the rebel stronghold of Aleppo. The current o↵ensive, which began in October 2015, has been highly successful for the government due in large part to Russian air strikes. 2016 peace talks failed when
the Assad government announced they would wait. Many fear Russian intervention has bolstered the Syrian’s governments capabilities and willingness to fight on for years rather than submit to peace talks.
• Proxy War: The US has been covertly arming rebel groups in the countries for a few years as part of its “train and equip” program. In September 2015, Russia began air attacks to support the Syrian government. Russia’s entry into the Syrian conflict on Assad?s side as well as Iran?s has complicated the U.S.-led coalitions year-long bombing campaign against ISIS militant groups in Syria. The United
States fears Russian intervention in Syria will stoke the conflict, further radicalize opposition groups and make formation of a coalition government less likely.
• Transnational Terrorism: Since declaring its caliphate in June 2014, ISIS has conducted or inspired over 50 terrorist attacks in 18 countries, killing 1,100 people and injuring over 1,700. It is further thought to have attracted an unprecedented number of foreign fighters to travel to Syria stoking fears that these individuals could return to commit terrorist attacks at home. ISIS has called on sympathizers
in the West–homegrown, self-radicalized extremists inspired by IS propaganda–to commit violent acts at home. In November of 2015, ISIS claimed responsibility for attacking Paris, leaving 127 dead and 300 injured.
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
1. To examine the causes of syrians crisis.
2. To examine the series of crisis in syria since 2011.
3. To identify the consequences of syrians crisis.
1. What are the causes of syrians crisis?
2. Are there series of crisis in syria since 2011?
3. What are the consequences of syrians crisis?
H0: Syrians crisis does not led to internally displace of persons.
H1: Syrians crisis led to internally displace of persons.
H0: UN security council did not make any effort to resolve Syria crisis.
H1: UN security council did make a lot of efforts to resolve Syria crisis.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The Context Analysis focuses on the period from March 2011 to April 2014, 2015 and 2016. A timeline of key events during the crisis is in annex. This study was carried out by two consultants—one in Beirut and one in Oxford—with a small research team at the Institute of Ethics, Law and Armed Conflict at the University of Oxford, UK. The research combined desk-based secondary sources, semi-structured interviews with Syrian and international humanitarian managers during visits to Syria, Beirut and Gaziantep, and interviews in London and remotely by Skype.
1.7 LIMITATION OF STUDY
This study was not carried out without any constraints. Such as constraints include:
The attitude of Nigerians towards scholars is a discouraging one. In administering and soliciting for information from consumers, many respondents showed great apathy. Some with held information while others gave wrong information for reasons best known to them.
Some of the respondents do not understand the contents of the questionnaires used in the study and even after a detailed explanation by the researcher, they failed to fill the questionnaire properly.
1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS
Crisis: Crisis is any event that is, or is expected to lead to, an unstable and dangerous situation affecting an individual, group, community, or whole society. Crises are deemed to be negative changes in the security, economic, political, societal, or environmental affairs, especially when they occur abruptly, with little or no warning.
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AN APPRAISAL OF GENERAL SANI ABACHA FOREIGN POLICY 1993-1998
ABSTRACT
This work appraises general Sani Abacha’s foreign policy from 1993 to 1998. The Abacha military regime, which ruled Nigeria from 17 November 1993 to 8 June 1998, could be summed up as a government engaged in a perpetual, if uneven, struggle with civil society organizations and the international community, both of which desired a rapid return to civilian and democratic rule. The Abacha junta, the spearhead of anti-democratic forces, won by substituting “the edict of the gun” for “the promise of a new dawn.” he pro-democracy forces’ resilience and perseverance, combined with a dash of providence, ensured that Nigerian civil society had the last laugh. Indeed, under Abacha, as in Rawlings’ Ghana in the 1980s, the rule of thumb was that, as Naomi Chazan puts it, “democratic rule has failed, but the promise of democracy endures.” While authoritarian rule prevails, democratic pressures persist.’
Abacha would be involved in what amounted to a ferocious battle of political credibility and legitimacy for the next five years, having literally shot down the historic presidential election results of 12 June 1993, as well as the democratic political structures of his predecessor’s transition program.
To survive, he used a combination of force, namely the stick or threat of force and the actual use of force against the political opposition, and the carrot or a reward system in relation to social forces, groups, and individuals who supported the regime.
As a result, Richard Sklar is correct when he says in his chapter, “although brute force has kept the military in power and taken the lives of its enemies from time to time, the regime’s durability (was) attributable to consent as well as force.” What Abacha lacked – and deservedly so – was the power of the ‘kiss,’ that is, the ability to inspire loyalty, respect, and commitment from a citizenry looking for a new lease on life.
Human Rights Watch/Africa, Nigeria: Permanent Transition: Current Human Rights Violations in Nigeria palace coup carried out against the backdrop of a High Court ruling in early November 1993 that the Interim National Government (ING), – Babangida’s stopgap measure on the eve of his’stepping down’ from power – was illegal, and had as one of its first acts the promulgation of the ING (Validation) Decree, which nullified the High Court ruling. By that single act, the fledgling regime also sought to tarnish Abiola’s mandate.
It would later launch a full-fledged propaganda campaign aimed at ethicizing or denationalizing June 12. Worse, it would launch a two-pronged attack on the political opposition as well as civil society groups and ethnic nationalities, for whom June 12 had become a formidable platform for combating long-standing socio-political and economic inequities and injustice in Nigerian politics.
To understand the Abacha junta’s political trajectory – why it came to power, how it managed to stay in power, and its strategic designs – we must engage with the regime both theoretically and empirically. By doing so, we would also gain a better understanding of the military’s structural legacy and its role in the current, post-1999, travails of the country’s fourth democratic experiment.
Primary and secondary data were used the analysis. Both frequency distribution and regression analysis were used.
It was observed therefore that the effect of General Sani Abacha’s foreign policy on Nigeria economic development in those years(1993 – 1998) was not significant. Also, there was a negative relationship between the policies and the Nation’s development.
Most of the policies made during the regime were unpopular and were frowned upon by western powers. This discouraged both foreign direct and foreign private investments which were very much needed to drive economic growth in Nigeria
The work is made of five chapters with bibliography and list of reference
TABLE OF CONTENT:
INTRODUCTION
LITERATURE REVIEW
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Bibliography
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AFRICA AS A CENTERPIECE OF NIGERIAS FOREIGN POLICY. A HISTORICAL REFLECTION ON GENERAL YAKUBU GOWON REGIME, 1996-1975
ABSTRACT
This historical reflection examines the foreign policy of Nigeria during the regime of General Yakubu Gowon, spanning the years 1966 to 1975. The study focuses on Africa as a central element of Nigeria’s diplomatic strategy during this period, exploring the motivations, challenges, and outcomes of the country’s engagement with the continent.
Against the backdrop of post-independence complexities and the challenges of nation-building, General Yakubu Gowon’s leadership emphasized a foreign policy that placed Africa at its core. This approach was shaped by Nigeria’s commitment to pan-African ideals, regional stability, and the desire to play a prominent role on the continental stage.
The study employs a historical lens to analyze the key events, diplomatic initiatives, and geopolitical considerations that influenced Nigeria’s foreign relations within the African context. It delves into the role of Nigeria in mediating regional conflicts, fostering economic cooperation, and contributing to the anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles that defined the era.
Additionally, the research explores the impact of Nigeria’s diplomatic decisions on its domestic landscape, considering how these engagements shaped national identity, unity, and perceptions of Nigeria on the global stage.
Through a thorough examination of archival sources, diplomatic correspondence, and contemporary analyses, this study contributes to the understanding of Nigeria’s foreign policy evolution during a critical period in its history. By focusing on the African continent as a centerpiece, the research sheds light on the nuances, challenges, and successes of General Yakubu Gowon’s regime in navigating the complex geopolitical landscape of the late 1960s and early 1970s.
The findings of this study not only offer insights into the historical intricacies of Nigeria’s foreign policy but also provide a foundation for understanding the enduring significance of Africa in shaping the country’s diplomatic priorities. This research contributes to the broader scholarship on African diplomacy, post-colonial statecraft, and the intersection of national identity with foreign policy choices.
Chapter 1: Introduction
1.1 Background and Context
1.2 Statement of the Problem
1.3 Objectives of the Study
1.4 Research Questions
1.5 Significance of the Study
1.6 Scope and Limitations
1.7 Organization of the Thesis
Chapter 2: Literature Review
2.1 Evolution of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy
2.2 Pan-Africanism and African Unity
2.3 The Role of Leadership in Foreign Policy
2.4 Nigeria’s Regional and Continental Diplomacy
2.5 Historical Context of General Yakubu Gowon’s Regime
Chapter 3: The Political Landscape of Nigeria (1966-1975)
3.1 Pre-Gowon Era: Political Transitions
3.2 Gowon’s Ascension to Power
3.3 Domestic Challenges and Nation-Building
3.4 Socio-Political Dynamics
Chapter 4: General Yakubu Gowon’s Foreign Policy Doctrine
4.1 Ideological Foundations
4.2 African-Centric Diplomacy
4.3 Economic Cooperation Initiatives
4.4 Regional Conflict Mediation
4.5 Balancing Global Alliances
Chapter 5: Conclusion
5.1 Summary of Findings
5.2 Contributions to Scholarship
5.3 Implications for Contemporary Diplomacy
5.4 Recommendations for Further Research
Bibliography
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THE BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE-OBJECTIVES AMBITIOUS, AND GLOBAL IMPLICATIONS
Abstract:
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), proposed by the People’s Republic of China, stands as one of the most ambitious and expansive infrastructure and economic development projects in contemporary geopolitics. Envisaged as a revival of the ancient Silk Road trade routes, the BRI seeks to connect countries across Asia, Europe, and Africa through a network of roads, railways, ports, and economic corridors. This research delves into the multifaceted dimensions of the BRI, analyzing its stated objectives, underlying ambitions, and the far-reaching global implications it carries.
The study systematically examines the primary goals of the BRI, encompassing economic development, trade facilitation, and cultural exchange, while critically assessing the geopolitical motives that underpin China’s initiative. Through an exploration of case studies and empirical data, the research investigates the tangible impacts of the BRI on participating countries, evaluating the economic, political, and social consequences of infrastructure development and increased connectivity.
Furthermore, the study scrutinizes the challenges and opportunities that arise from the BRI, including concerns related to debt sustainability, geopolitical competition, and the potential for fostering greater international cooperation. By analyzing the BRI within the broader context of global economic trends and international relations, this research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of its implications for participating nations and the wider international community.
The findings of this study contribute valuable insights to policymakers, scholars, and stakeholders seeking to comprehend the complexities surrounding the Belt and Road Initiative. As this initiative continues to shape global economic dynamics, the research illuminates the potential benefits and challenges associated with the BRI, offering a foundation for informed decision-making and fostering constructive dialogue on the future of international cooperation and connectivity.
TABLE OF CONTENT
Table of Contents
Introduction
1.1 Background
1.2 Rationale for the Study
1.3 Objectives of the Research
1.4 Scope and Significance of the Study
1.5 Structure of the Thesis
Literature Review
2.1 Historical Context of the Silk Road
2.1.1 Ancient Silk Road Trade Routes
2.1.2 Cultural and Economic Exchange
2.2 Emergence and Evolution of the Belt and Road Initiative
2.2.1 Genesis and Objectives
2.2.2 Key Components and Projects
2.3 Global Response and Criticisms
2.3.1 International Partnerships and Collaborations
2.3.2 Concerns and Critiques
Objectives of the Belt and Road Initiative
3.1 Economic Development and Infrastructure
3.1.1 Connectivity and Transportation Networks
3.1.2 Industrial and Technological Cooperation
3.2 Trade Facilitation and Market Integration
3.2.1 Opening New Markets
3.2.2 Tariff Reduction and Trade Agreements
3.3 Cultural Exchange and People-to-People Connectivity
3.3.1 Educational and Cultural Initiatives
3.3.2 Tourism and Cross-Cultural Understanding
Ambitions Behind the Initiative
4.1 Geopolitical Motivations
4.1.1 Regional Influence and Power Projection
4.1.2 Strategic Objectives in Key Regions
4.2 Economic Expansion and Resource Access
4.2.1 Energy Resources and Security
4.2.2 Market Diversification and Access
4.3 China’s Role in Global Governance
4.3.1 Shaping International Institutions
4.3.2 The Belt and Road Initiative in the Context of Global Governance
CHAPTER FIVE
5.1 Summary of Key Findings
5.2 Implications for Global Governance
5.3 Recommendations for Policy and Future Research
References
HOW TO RECEIVE PROJECT MATERIAL (S)
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OR you drop them on our WhatsApp, 08137701720
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BANK ACCOUNTS
Account Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account Number: 0046579864
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OR
Account Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account Number: 3139283609
Bank: FIRST BANK
FOR MORE INFORMATION, CALL:
08068231953 or 08168759420
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