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ECOWAS AND PROMOTION OF CREDIBLE ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA, 2011-2023
Elections serve as a cornerstone of democratic governance, acting as a mechanism through which citizens exercise their right to choose leaders and shape the trajectory of their nations. In the West African region, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has been a prominent advocate for the promotion of credible and transparent elections. This study delves into the intricate relationship between ECOWAS and the promotion of credible elections in Nigeria, spanning the period from 2011 to 2023.
Nigeria, as the most populous nation in Africa, plays a pivotal role in the stability and progress of the West African region. The conduct of free and fair elections is fundamental to sustaining the democratic ethos within the country and, by extension, fostering regional stability. Against a backdrop of historical electoral challenges and a commitment to democratic consolidation, ECOWAS has actively engaged in initiatives aimed at ensuring the credibility of the electoral process in Nigeria.
The period from 2011 to 2023 encapsulates several electoral cycles in Nigeria, marked by both progress and challenges. Understanding ECOWAS’ role in influencing the conduct and outcomes of these elections provides valuable insights into the dynamics of regional cooperation in promoting democratic governance. The organization’s interventions, mechanisms, and influence on Nigeria’s electoral landscape during this period will be scrutinized to assess the effectiveness of ECOWAS in advancing credible elections.
This study seeks to explore the multifaceted dimensions of ECOWAS’ involvement in Nigeria’s electoral processes, examining the organization’s normative frameworks, diplomatic interventions, and capacity-building initiatives. By analyzing specific instances of electoral contests, successes, and setbacks within the defined timeframe, the research aims to contribute to the broader discourse on regional organizations’ impact on democratic governance in Africa.
In navigating this exploration, the study will consider the historical context of ECOWAS’ engagement in Nigeria’s electoral affairs, the evolution of democratic practices within the country, and the changing dynamics of regional politics. Additionally, the study will critically assess the efficacy of ECOWAS’ mechanisms, the challenges encountered, and the lessons learned for future endeavors.
As the global community places increasing emphasis on democratic norms and principles, understanding how regional bodies like ECOWAS contribute to the promotion of credible elections becomes imperative. This study endeavors to provide a nuanced analysis of ECOWAS’ role in shaping Nigeria’s electoral landscape, shedding light on the complexities and achievements that define the intersection of regional cooperation and democratic governance in West Africa.
The West African region has witnessed a dynamic interplay between democratic governance and electoral processes, with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) emerging as a key regional actor in promoting credible elections. Within this context, Nigeria, as a pivotal member state, has experienced successive electoral cycles from 2011 to 2023, marked by both advancements and challenges. The central focus of this research is to investigate the specific contours of ECOWAS’ role in fostering credible elections in Nigeria during this period.
While ECOWAS has consistently articulated its commitment to democratic principles, the efficacy of its interventions and mechanisms in shaping the credibility of electoral processes within Nigeria remains a subject of critical inquiry. The research seeks to address the following key dimensions of the research problem:
Normative Frameworks and Implementation:
How have ECOWAS normative frameworks for electoral processes been translated into actionable measures within the Nigerian context?
To what extent have these normative frameworks influenced the legal and institutional structures governing elections in Nigeria?
Diplomatic Interventions and Regional Cooperation:
What diplomatic initiatives has ECOWAS undertaken to address electoral challenges in Nigeria?
How has ECOWAS fostered regional cooperation to mitigate electoral tensions and promote a conducive environment for credible elections?
Capacity-Building Initiatives and Institutional Strengthening:
What role has ECOWAS played in enhancing the capacity of Nigerian electoral institutions and stakeholders?
To what extent have ECOWAS initiatives contributed to building resilient electoral institutions capable of ensuring credible elections?
Challenges and Lessons Learned:
What challenges has ECOWAS encountered in its efforts to promote credible elections in Nigeria?
What lessons can be drawn from the successes and setbacks of ECOWAS’ engagements in Nigeria’s electoral processes?
Evolution of Democratic Practices:
How has ECOWAS contributed to the evolution of democratic practices within Nigeria during the specified period?
To what extent has ECOWAS’ involvement influenced the overall trajectory of democratic governance in Nigeria?
Impact Assessment of ECOWAS Interventions:
What tangible impacts can be attributed to ECOWAS’ interventions in shaping the credibility of elections in Nigeria?
How do these impacts align with the broader goals of democratic consolidation within the West African region?
By addressing these dimensions, the research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the intricacies surrounding ECOWAS’ role in promoting credible elections in Nigeria from 2011 to 2023. This inquiry is crucial for assessing the effectiveness of regional organizations in contributing to democratic governance and electoral integrity, offering insights into the nuances of collaborative efforts between regional bodies and member states in West Africa.
Normative Frameworks and Implementation:
How have the normative frameworks established by ECOWAS for electoral processes been incorporated into Nigerian electoral laws and institutions from 2011 to 2023?
To what extent have these normative frameworks influenced the legal and institutional structures governing elections in Nigeria during the specified period?
Diplomatic Interventions and Regional Cooperation:
What specific diplomatic interventions has ECOWAS undertaken to address electoral challenges in Nigeria between 2011 and 2023?
How has ECOWAS fostered regional cooperation to mitigate electoral tensions and create a conducive environment for credible elections in Nigeria?
Capacity-Building Initiatives and Institutional Strengthening:
What role has ECOWAS played in enhancing the capacity of Nigerian electoral institutions and relevant stakeholders during the specified period?
To what extent have ECOWAS initiatives contributed to building resilient electoral institutions capable of ensuring credible elections in Nigeria?
Challenges and Lessons Learned:
What challenges has ECOWAS encountered in its efforts to promote credible elections in Nigeria from 2011 to 2023?
What lessons can be derived from both the successes and setbacks of ECOWAS’ engagements in Nigeria’s electoral processes during the specified period?
Evolution of Democratic Practices:
How has ECOWAS contributed to the evolution of democratic practices within Nigeria over the period 2011-2023?
To what extent has ECOWAS’ involvement influenced the overall trajectory of democratic governance in Nigeria during this time frame?
Impact Assessment of ECOWAS Interventions:
What tangible impacts can be attributed to ECOWAS’ interventions in shaping the credibility of elections in Nigeria from 2011 to 2023?
How do these impacts align with the broader goals of democratic consolidation within the West African region?
Public Perception and Trust in Electoral Processes:
How do citizens in Nigeria perceive ECOWAS’ role in ensuring credible elections, and how has this perception evolved over the specified period?
To what extent does the public’s trust in the electoral process correlate with ECOWAS’ interventions in Nigeria?
Regional Collaboration and Harmonization of Electoral Practices:
How successful has ECOWAS been in promoting regional collaboration and harmonization of electoral practices among member states, with a focus on Nigeria?
To what extent have ECOWAS efforts contributed to the alignment of electoral norms and practices across the West African region?
Role of ECOWAS in Conflict Prevention Related to Elections:
How has ECOWAS intervened in preventing and addressing conflicts arising from electoral processes in Nigeria from 2011 to 2023?
To what extent has ECOWAS’ involvement contributed to the mitigation of election-related conflicts in Nigeria?
Evaluation of ECOWAS Monitoring Missions:
How effective have ECOWAS monitoring missions been in assessing the credibility of elections in Nigeria during the specified period?
What specific outcomes and recommendations have emerged from ECOWAS monitoring missions, and how have they influenced electoral processes in Nigeria?
Aims:
The overarching aim of this research is to comprehensively examine the role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in promoting credible elections in Nigeria from 2011 to 2023. The study seeks to analyze the dynamics of ECOWAS’ interventions, mechanisms, and collaborations in the context of Nigerian electoral processes, with a focus on contributing to the broader understanding of regional organizations’ impact on democratic governance in West Africa.
Objectives:
To Evaluate the Implementation of ECOWAS Normative Frameworks:
Assess the extent to which ECOWAS normative frameworks for electoral processes have been integrated into Nigerian legal and institutional structures.
Examine the impact of ECOWAS normative standards on the conduct of elections in Nigeria during the specified period.
To Analyze Diplomatic Interventions by ECOWAS:
Investigate specific diplomatic initiatives undertaken by ECOWAS to address electoral challenges in Nigeria.
Assess the effectiveness of ECOWAS’ diplomatic interventions in mitigating electoral tensions and fostering a conducive environment for credible elections.
To Examine ECOWAS’ Role in Capacity-Building Initiatives:
Evaluate the role of ECOWAS in enhancing the capacity of Nigerian electoral institutions and relevant stakeholders.
Analyze the contribution of ECOWAS capacity-building initiatives to the development of resilient electoral institutions in Nigeria.
To Identify Challenges and Lessons Learned:
Identify challenges encountered by ECOWAS in its efforts to promote credible elections in Nigeria.
Extract lessons learned from both successful interventions and setbacks to inform future regional initiatives.
To Explore the Evolution of Democratic Practices:
Investigate how ECOWAS has contributed to the evolution of democratic practices within Nigeria from 2011 to 2023.
Assess the influence of ECOWAS’ involvement on the overall trajectory of democratic governance in Nigeria.
Assumptions are inherent aspects of research that are accepted as true, without direct empirical evidence, for the purpose of conducting the study. Below are some assumptions that may underlie the research on “ECOWAS and Promotion of Credible Elections in Nigeria, 2011-2023”:
Adherence to ECOWAS Norms:
It is assumed that Nigerian electoral institutions and relevant stakeholders have, to a significant degree, incorporated and adhered to the normative frameworks set by ECOWAS for the conduct of credible elections during the study period.
Effectiveness of ECOWAS Diplomatic Interventions:
The assumption is that diplomatic interventions by ECOWAS have played a substantial role in addressing electoral challenges in Nigeria, contributing to the mitigation of tensions and the creation of a conducive environment for credible elections.
Positive Impact of Capacity-Building Initiatives:
It is assumed that ECOWAS capacity-building initiatives have positively impacted the development and strengthening of electoral institutions in Nigeria, enhancing their capacity to ensure credible elections.
Learnings from Challenges:
The assumption is that challenges encountered by ECOWAS in promoting credible elections in Nigeria have yielded valuable lessons and insights that can inform future regional interventions.
Influence on Democratic Evolution:
It is assumed that ECOWAS has exerted a notable influence on the evolution of democratic practices within Nigeria, contributing to the consolidation of democratic governance over the specified period.
Scope of the Study:
The scope of the study “ECOWAS and Promotion of Credible Elections in Nigeria, 2011-2023” is defined by specific parameters to ensure a focused and comprehensive investigation. The study will encompass the following aspects:
Temporal Scope:
The study will cover the period from 2011 to 2023, allowing for an analysis of multiple electoral cycles within Nigeria during this timeframe.
Geographical Scope:
The primary focus will be on Nigeria, with an examination of ECOWAS’ interventions and their impact on credible elections at the national level.
ECOWAS Interventions:
The research will investigate various dimensions of ECOWAS’ involvement, including normative frameworks, diplomatic interventions, capacity-building initiatives, and regional collaborations related to electoral processes in Nigeria.
Impact Assessment:
The study aims to assess the tangible impacts of ECOWAS interventions on the credibility of elections in Nigeria, exploring both successes and challenges.
Evolution of Democratic Practices:
The research will delve into the evolving nature of democratic practices within Nigeria, considering how ECOWAS’ interventions have influenced the country’s democratic trajectory.
Public Perception:
Public perception and trust in the electoral process will be examined as part of the study, providing insights into how ECOWAS’ role is perceived by Nigerian citizens.
Challenges and Lessons Learned:
The study will analyze challenges encountered by ECOWAS and extract lessons learned from its engagements in Nigeria’s electoral processes.
Limitations of the Study:
Availability of Data:
The study’s findings are contingent upon the availability and accessibility of relevant data, including official reports, documents, and scholarly publications. Limited access to certain information may constrain the depth of the analysis.
Temporal Constraints:
The study is bound by the temporal scope of 2011 to 2023, and events or developments occurring outside this period may not be fully considered.
Generalization to Other ECOWAS Member States:
While the study focuses on Nigeria, findings may not be universally applicable to other ECOWAS member states due to variations in political contexts, electoral systems, and regional dynamics.
Complexity of Factors:
Electoral processes are influenced by multifaceted factors, and isolating the impact of ECOWAS interventions from other variables may pose a challenge.
Subjectivity of Public Perception:
Public perception is subjective and may be influenced by various factors beyond the scope of this study, such as media coverage, political narratives, and individual experiences.
Changing Political Landscape:
Political dynamics are subject to change, and developments occurring after the study period may influence the ongoing effectiveness of ECOWAS interventions.
Security and Conflict Dynamics:
The study may not comprehensively cover the intricate dynamics of security and conflicts related to elections, as these aspects require specialized analyses beyond the scope of this research.
The study on “ECOWAS and Promotion of Credible Elections in Nigeria, 2011-2023” holds significant implications and contributions within the realms of academia, policymaking, regional governance, and the broader discourse on democratic consolidation. The significance of the study is underscored by the following factors:
Academic Contribution:
The research contributes to the academic literature on regional organizations and their role in promoting credible elections. It offers a nuanced analysis of ECOWAS’ interventions in Nigeria, adding depth to the understanding of regional governance dynamics.
Policy Relevance:
Findings from the study can inform policy decisions both within Nigeria and across the ECOWAS region. Policymakers can benefit from insights into the effectiveness of regional interventions and use the research to shape strategies for improving electoral processes.
Enhanced Regional Cooperation:
Understanding ECOWAS’ successes and challenges in promoting credible elections can contribute to the enhancement of regional cooperation. The study provides insights into the mechanisms that facilitate collaboration among member states in West Africa.
Democratic Governance Enhancement:
By examining ECOWAS’ impact on the democratic evolution of Nigeria, the study contributes to discussions on strengthening democratic governance. It identifies areas where regional organizations can play a pivotal role in consolidating democratic practices.
Lessons for Regional Organizations:
The study offers lessons for other regional organizations globally, shedding light on the complexities and potential successes of regional interventions in ensuring credible elections. These lessons can be extrapolated to inform the practices of other regional bodies.
Public Awareness and Advocacy:
The research contributes to public awareness by providing insights into ECOWAS’ role in Nigeria’s electoral processes. It facilitates informed public discourse and advocacy for transparent and credible elections, fostering civic engagement.
Conflict Prevention and Resolution:
Examining ECOWAS’ role in preventing and addressing conflicts related to elections contributes to conflict resolution literature. Lessons learned from this study can be applied to develop strategies for mitigating election-related tensions within and beyond the West African region.
International Relations Impact:
The study enhances understanding in the field of international relations by exploring the dynamics of regional organizations in influencing domestic political processes. It contributes to the broader discourse on the impact of international actors on sovereign nations.
Capacity Building Insights:
Analysis of ECOWAS’ capacity-building initiatives provides insights into the effectiveness of regional efforts in building resilient electoral institutions. These insights can inform future capacity-building programs within and beyond the region.
Framework for Further Research:
The study establishes a framework for further research on the role of regional organizations in democratic governance. It opens avenues for exploring similar interventions in other countries and regions.
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]]>BEFORE YOU READ THE ABSTRACT OR CHAPTER ONE OF THE PROJECT TOPICS BELOW, PLEASE READ THE INFORMATION BELOW.THANK YOU!
INFORMATION:
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ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL CRIME COMMISSION EFCC AND THE FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA
ABSTRACT
The issue of corruption has led to loss of confidence in Nigeria by its citizens at home and abroad due to the activities of fraudsters, corrupt public officials and mis-governance by our leaders. On the international scene, Nigeria has been blacklisted as a slate in which integrity and transparency are alien and where no transactions occur without greasing palms. Others are over concentration of resource at the centre and a culture of unregulated informal economy, inefficient contract awards, inadequate enforcement of existing law, absence of the rule of law and a culture of preferential treatment in the conduct of government business. The Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC) and Economic and Financial Corruption Commission (EFCC) were established by the present administration to combat corruption at various levels. It is lamentable to observe that in spite of these strategies in place, little or no success has been achieved in that direction. The main objectives of the study are to identify the causes of corruption and their effects on Nigerian society; to analyse the role of the various Strategic Agencies on Anti-corruption and the impact of their existence. The method adopted for the study is the historical and observational method. Related literatures on corruption and government strategies are also utilized for the study. The findings of the study are that the existing Anti-Corruption Agencies are trying their best to curb corruption in Nigeria but that greediness and political instability are some of the primary causes of corruption. Government’s lack of will to indict some past and present public office holders, inadequate and ineffective legislation on corruption are responsible for the high level of corruption in Nigeria today It is recommended that in fighting corruption, Nigeria requires good and virtuous leaders who are honest with integrity, discipline and trustworthy, creation of employment, upgrading of Nigeria police amongst others. Writing on a project topic like ‘combating corruption in Nigeria; case study of the EFCC has presented numerous challenges, bearing in mind that not very many people are aware of the scope of responsibility being handled by the ant -graft body. The journey takes one through in the first instance the creating of an overview of the fact that corruption really has Nigerian in its stragle hold, the recognition of the harm the corruption endemie has wrought on the Nigerian psyche and the need for fighting this human created cancer. The need for the creation of an anti-graft body becomes very apparent when one look at the presidents set by other matters of corruption (huge as it were) swept under the carpet for lack of gats to deal with same. The response of Nigerian as to whether the aims, objectives for the setting up of the EFCC have been met is also dealt with therein How much can the EFCC achieve, and the question of whether Nigeria can in the end say ‘Uhuru is tackled therein. Corruption is a persistent cancerous phenomenon which bedevils Nigeria. Misappropriation, bribery, embezzlement, nepotism, and money laundering by public officials have permeated the fabric of the society. The office seekers of major political parties top the list of unfit or corrupt officials. Elected officials in high echelons of power and public officers use their positions to engage in corrupt activities. It is estimated that corruption accounts for 20 percent of the GDP of Nigeria. For several years, Nigeria has been at the bottom of Transparency International’s (TI) Corrupt Perception Index (CPI) ranking. In 2002, the Nigerian government created the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to investigate and prosecute cases of corruption and financial crimes. This paper reviews the scope of corruption and the efforts by the Nigerian government to combat it by examining the various perspectives for understanding the causes of corruption. The study while recognizing the importance of the various perspectives, notes that both the rent-seeking and institutional theories offer deeper insights into the systemic nature of Nigerian corruption. Finally, the article examines the activities of the EFCC and notes that it faces serious challenges as the configurations of the Nigerian political landscape are uncertain.
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Some of the things that cause poverty in Nigeria are the Nigerian ruling and business elite. The ruling elite lack the kind of philosophical and ideological vision and orientation that is committed to developing “a dream society.” They have no dream beyond the satisfaction of desires. This paper examines the nature of corruption in Nigeria. Corruption is a social problem that has interested many scholars. Ruzindana (1999) asserts that corruption in Africa is a problem of routine deviation from established standards and norms by public officials and parties with whom they interact. He also identifisd the types of corruption in Africa as bribery, private gain, and other benefits to non-existent workers and pensioners (called ghost workers). The dishonest and illegal behavior exhibited especially by people in authority for their personal gain is corruption. According to the ICPC Act (section 2), corruption includes vices like bribery, fraud, and other related offences. Corruption is the abuse or misuse of power or position of trust for personal or group benefit (monetary or otherwise).
Corruption is a symptom of numerous difficulties within contemporary societies. It usually involves more than one party. It takes a form of an organized crime. At times, an organization can be established on corruption to beget corruption. Gbenga (2008) asserts that corruption is contagious. According to thfe perception index of Transparency International, Nigeria was ranked 144th out of the 146 countries, beating Bangladesh and Haiti to last position. An analysis of the anti-graft/anti-corruption laws in Nigeria shows that corruption will continue in spite of the laws because the perpetrators do not fear any consequences. It is now dawning on the Nigerian public that the so-called private enterprise and legislators are free from scrutiny, and governors claim to be immune. Corruption is found in the award of contracts, promotion of staff, dispensation of justice, and misuse of public offices, positions, and privileges, embezzlement of public funds, public books, publications, documents, valuable security, and accounts. Corruption can be systematic in nature and affect the whole life of an organization or society.
Corruption in Nigeria
John Locke outlined the doctrine of the separation of powers, indicating the danger of oppressive and arbitrary rule when all functions of government are exercised by a single person or institution. The growing corruption in Nigeria can be traced to people holding power at the federal, state, and local government levels. Corruption does not involve just people in government, but also to people in both private and public positions and even traditional rulers .
President Olusegun Obasanjo presented a bill to the national assembly on “the prohibition and punishment of bribery, corruption, and other related offences bill of 1999”. Obasanjo’s regime has certainly fired the most critical shot at corruption in Nigeria in recent times. At the federal level, it cannot be business as usual in Nigeria. Corruption has also spread to both the state and local government levels, as well as some decentralized centers of power and authority. Thomson (2004) reports on the then National Electric Power Authority (NEPA):
There were powerful views on the problems of corruption. … You need tip them to get them to rectify a problem, said one, while some people in the focus group thought transformer were being vandalized by NEPA officials to warrant either replacement or repair of the transformer. Within the educational sector in Nigeria, especially from secondary to university levels, corruption is very pervasive, and most of which is not in the public eye. Corruption in education includes:
Corrupt Practices by Parents of Students
Parents are known to have used unorthodox means to influence their children’s or wards’ admission to federal government secondary schools, commonly referred to as unity schools. A high JAMB score is critical for admission in to the university in Nigeria, and this has led to cheating by some students and parents. There are expensive coaching centers that charge exorbitant fees to guarantee a minimum score of 300 in the JAMB score, which is been orchestrated by coaching centers through aiding and abetting cheating in the JAMB examination with the connivance of JAMB officials.
Corrupt Practices by Lecturers
Within the university system, some students resort to “sorting” (finding ways of purchasing of high and unmerited mark from a lecturer in order to enhance the grade in their final examination.) Such students will then say they have gone into the university and having what they not work for. Lecturers and students print fake receipts, which they use in collecting school fees, and some unsuspecting students are usually discovered by the audit department.
Corrupt Practice by Police
It has been alleged that some unscruplous officers rent firearms to criminals who use them to harass the public and engage in highway robberies. The police are also alleged to be collecting an unauthorized fee before granting bail to anyone who is arrested. Some police in traffic control collect a graduated illegal charge on all operators of inter- and intra-city. Some tax officials are alleged to be using two types of receipts to collect revenue. Once receipt is the original, and hence genuine, while the second is usually a false one for the collector.s private use, thus depriving government of its legitimate revenue (Bello Iman 2005). Nigeria became an independent nation on the 1st of October 1960.
A country richly endowed with monumental geographical and diverse natural resources ranging from crude oil to gas (natural), coal al, et.
Nigeria possesses potential market ability for rapid economic development.
However, inspite of these obvious resources and its advantage, Nigeria remains a poor and underdeveloped country.
Scholars have achieved and advanced several reasons to explain this parlous and depleting state.
One of the major and prominent factors advanced is corruption
Corruption has been a major problem in Nigeria since independence.
Perhaps, it may be that we even inherited ‘the problem’ from our colonial masters.
Numerous state institutions have become dysfunctional because of large-scale corrupt practices.
Projects are routinely abandoned, and no one is brought to book, public goods and resources are diverted to private ends.
Corruption endangers the good governance and the democracy we see today.
Corruption was cited as one of the more prominent reasons for Nigeria’s first military coup by the coupists of January 15, 1966 military putsch.
Massive corruption and resource brigandage also were sited as reasons for the military takes over by the regime of Buharil Tunde Idiagbon on December 31st 1983.
This is in-spite of the fact that even the military elite cannot be called saints on the one side.
Due to the pervasive nature of corruption in Nigeria, Nigeria’s former President Olusegun Obasanjo in his inaugural speech on May 29 1999 affirmed that corruption, the single greatest bane of our society today would be tackled head- on, at all levels.
No society can achieve its full potentials if it allows corruption to become a full blown cancer as its has become in our nation.
According to the World Bank (1997:5), “corruption thrives when economic policies are poorly designed, education levels or standards are low, civil society participation is weak, public sector management is poor, and accountability of public institutions are weak”.
Corruption has become the order of the day in our public institution, and because Government business is nobody’s business, the country continues to suffer (Nzemeke and Erhagbe: 2002:131).
Corruption has been cited as the major reason why developmental prescription, aids and policies imposed on Nigeria by international financial organizations have inexplicably failed.
Thus, corruption is indeed, to the society and the polity what HW/AIDS is to the human body
While manifestation of the “acquired immune deficiency syndrome” caused by a bio-virus, corruption is an expression of the “Deficiency of integrity syndrome” caused by a socio-virus (corruption).
‘As HW/AIDS breaks down our immune system thereby making it susceptible to ills and sicknesses, so also corruption breaks down the law and order, structure of the economy, thereby making it easy for the nation to be infested with all sorts of deficiencies and crimes.
Sam Adesua (1987: 8-9) noted that “in Nigeria, …corruption is a well – organized and well entrenched social malady bestriding the nation, but which tends to have the tacit approval of almost every Nigerian in the social ladders”.
This is an opposite description of the corruption status in the Nigerian nation.
Corruption is no doubt pervasive in the country.
It permeates all strata of both public and private life.
It is not peculiar to any regime or government, in the country.
Honesty seems to have taken flight, and corruption has in the meanwhile tremendously gained ground and become very rampant.
According to Familoni (2005:51), becoming corrupt in Nigeria is almost avoidable, as morality is lax because to survive, people have to make money.
The 1996 study of corruption by Transparency International (TI) and Goettingen University ranked Nigeria as the most corrupt nation, among the fifty-four (54) counties listed in the study with Pakistan as the second most corrupt country.
Also in the 1998 transparency international corruption perception index (CPI), the image of Nigeria dipped further as she was ranked ninety (90) out of the ninety one (91) countries pooled – Bangladesh came first in the ranking.
The country remained or rather retained its position in 2003.
In 2006, the transparency international perception index ranked Nigeria one hundred and forty-two (142) out of one hundred and sixty-three (163) countries pooled, with Haiti as the most corrupt country in the world.
1.2 PROBLEM OF THE STUDY
One of the pertinent issues in Nigeria today is the focus on one of the greatest impediment to good governance and sustainable development corruption.
In recent times, corruption has as an issue taken the front burner in development discourse worldwide.
Since 1996, the World Bank has supported more than six hundred (600) anti–corruption programmes and governance initiative developed by its member countries.
Especially in 1999, the World Bank institute budgeted a whopping $7.5million to fight corruption (Polzer, 200:2; Tesh, 1991:1).
Ironically, the global financial body was embroiled in scandalous dealings that led to the removal of its chairman.
This goes to show the obvious relevance corruption has to sustainable growth and development.
The world’s major religions in their holy books are concerned with the evil of corruption amongst the rich and powerful, and prescribed rules for punishing perpetrators and the wiping out of corrupt acts.
The Qu’ran chapter 83, warmed believers against the fraudulent and corrupt practices of the Arabian society in the pre-Islamic era (Olurode, 2003:3).
The Holy Bible in proverbs (22:8, 11:20 and 13:11) (Olurode 2005:3) admonished the people about corruption and its consequences, promising perpetrators that they would be losers on judgment day.
Accountability is typically weak in Nigeria because the county is ripe for corruption and rife with it.
The motivation to earn extra income is extremely strong, worsened by poverty and low and declining civil services salaries.
Thus, corruption has become a cankerworm in the political system, stifling it of its potential sustainable growth.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The aim of the research is to appraise Nigeria’s anti-corruption crusade with special focus on the EFCC
– To identify the inherent nature of corruption in Nigerian since independence.
– To assess the effect of corruption on Nigeria’s development.
– To appraise the activities of the EFCC.
– To ascertain if the EFCC has succeeded or failed in its quest to wipe out corruption in Nigeria.
The strategy (2011-2020) promotes a three phased approach with an initial focus on (1) strengthening the capacities of the dedicated anti-corruption and public accountability bodies, followed by (2) mainstreaming of anti-corruption and governance principles into the work of the MDAs and finally by (3) strengthening accountability, integrity and transparency at the State and local government levels, the private sector and the society at large.
The implementation of the strategy is to be in three overlapping phases with some of the interventions at the three phases running concurrently.
A strong monitoring and evaluation system is to be put into place with a view to ensuring that individual MDAs prioritise and fulfil their obligations under the strategy and that the public, the private sector and the international community are informed of and involved in the assessment of progress.
The strategy galvanises and reaffirms the unwavering commitment of the Federal Government of Nigeria in the fight against corruption by creating a single vision and a shared sense of purpose by those tasked to prevent and combat corruption on behalf of all Nigerians.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTION
1. What are the inherent nature of corruption in Nigerian since independence?
2. Can one assess the effect of corruption on Nigeria’s development?
How is it possible to appraise the activities of the EFCC?
3. Has EFCC succeeded or failed in its quest to wipe out corruption in Nigeria?
1.5 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
H0:The level of corruption in the Nigerian polity is not caused by a function of bad governance and corrupt individuals.
H1: The level of corruption in the Nigerian polity is a function of bad governance and corrupt individuals
H0: The administration (1999 till date) has no political will to fight corruption.
H1: The administration (1999 till date) has political will to fight corruption.
H0: The economic and financial crimes commission (EFCC) is not capable of fighting corruption.
H1: The economic and financial crimes commission (EFCC) is capable of fighting corruption.
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY.
Corruption in Nigeria is an endemic, pervasive and systemic problem, which over time has been perceived as capable of threatening the very existence of the nation.
Combating corruption is about rebuilding Nigeria’s Sovereign National Wealth. Her Natural Capital made up in particular of non-renewable energy resources and minerals have been severely depleted and sold off, with most of the proceeds either looted or wasted through mismanagement and ineffective use.
Experts believe the overdependence on natural capital has led to the neglect of her produced capital consisting of infrastructure and Value-Added Goods.
Many studies have shown that the primary reason for Nigeria’s lack of progress since 1960 has been the failure to combat corruption effectively. It is the primary objective of the strategy to enhance the effectiveness of the nation’s resources by reducing the vulnerability of the Nigerian public institutions, private sector and society at large to corruption.
The need to combat corruption and improve governance has been acknowledged by successive governments and the people of Nigeria. As a result, since independence, there have been a vast number of institutions, laws and other initiatives to combat diverse manifestations of corruption.
One of the critical gaps and peculiarity in the national anti-corruption agenda is the location of the accountability and anti-corruption functions within multiple and operationally diverse institutions, which despite their closely related and even overlapping mandates have hardly coordinated their policies, strategies or operations.
This limited synergy results in the overall ineffective, inefficient and occasionally even counterproductive use of the institutional, legal, human and financial resources dedicated by the government and people to preventing and combating corruption.
Inhibiting Weaknesses
In terms of the inhibiting weaknesses that are currently hampering the effective reliable and effective law enforcement in cases of corruption, the problem analysis identified various key contributing factors.
These include lack of effective investigations due to weak skill sets, limited resources, and weaknesses in case selection and management; lack of capacity for efficient prosecution, due to limited numbers of prosecutors, lack of sufficient training, and difficulties to attract the required numbers of competent and committed candidates to join the legal departments of the ACAs.
Others include weaknesses in the Legal Framework, including shortcomings in the Evidence Act and the Criminal and Penal Procedure Acts, as well as absence of specific laws on Plea bargaining, Whistleblower and Witness Protection and Non-Conviction Based Asset Forfeiture.
There are also weaknesses as concerns organisation, procedure, human resource management, motivation and incentives in the operational departments of anti-corruption law enforcement bodies; and limitations in the independence of the leadership of ACAs, including issues such as a perceived self-censorship, and insufficient security of tenure.
In order to address these multiple challenges, the retreat, and subsequent expert consultations identified a host of short, medium and long term measures.
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AN ASSESSMENT OF THE IMPACT OF CORRUPTION ON SECURITY CHALLENGES IN NIGERIA
CHAPTER ONE
BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
Some of the major challenges or obstacles to the attainment of success in developing countries are the issues of corruption and insecurity. Developing countries have found it difficult to grow economically due to the high levels of corruption and insecurity. This study will attempt to highlight how corruption and insecurity has succeeded in crippling the success of developing countries including Nigeria. One of the greatest threats faced by developing countries is the issue of insurgency such as in Nigeria that is battling with the contemporary terrorist organization popularly identified as Boko Haram rebels. Due to the high levels of insecurity in developing countries, thousands of lives are either lost or the people are forced to relocate fearing their lives might be in danger. On the other hand the menace of corruption has reduced the speed of development in developing countries because funds that are meant for development purposes are either missing or diverted to be used by individuals who hold positions in government and have access to government funds.
As a result of the complexity of corruption, its effects on the systemic existence of its victims as does its prevalence through the efforts of its perpetuators, its definition has continued to be shrouded by value preference and differences (Akindele and Adeyemi, 2011:8). This has to some extent complicated the attainment of a definitional uniformity on the concept within the academia and practicing world of administration. Given this, the elusiveness of the definition of corruption (depending on the definer and perspective) within the parameter of intellectual discourse on Nigerian State and beyond, was eloquently evoked by Yaru quoted in Yelwa, (2011:2) as thus:
“Corruption is a multi-dimensional phenomenon and hence has been defined in multiple ways. Generally, corruption in public sector is simply the abuse of authority by the public officials to make personal gains in the discharge of their official duties. It encompasses activities ranging from bribery, embezzlement, extortion, fraud, favoritism, dishonesty to related illegal or unauthorized behaviors in pursuance of personal objectives”.
According to Otite (1986:12) corruption is: Perversion of integrity or state of affair through bribery, favour or moral depravity. It involves the injection of additional but improper transaction aimed at changing the normal course of events and altering judgments and positions of trust. It consists of doers and receivers’ use of informal, extra-legal or illegal act to facilitate matter.
Olopoenia (1998:17) puts this definition in a broad perspective of three categories as thus: Theoretically, the literature distinguishes among political, bureaucratic and economic corruption; practically however, these three typologies are no more than different perceptions of the same monster. But all these manifestations are motivated by the desire to use the instrumentality of office for private gains for the benefit of the official, his relations, ethnic group or friends at the expenses of the general good.
Nwabueze (2002:128) in his own contribution adopted a sociological approach to the definition of corruption. He conceptualized corruption in the following way: A form of social deviance in some cases, of criminal deviances, the result of failure or lack of will to respect the norms of social interactions. It is an extra-legal approach to gaining access. It is a form of mal-adaptation involving the acceptance of society’s cultural goals and the rejection of the socially approved means of attaining the goals. It is an indictment on the ineffectiveness of society’s socialization function; a sign of some defects in the development of citizen’s personality system. It indicates the existence of weakness in agencies of social control which should punish rather than reward the perpetrator of corruption.
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Corruption takes several forms, on one hand, if a public officer embezzles public funds kept in his trust that is corruption. In the same view, if he does unauthorized spending or exceeds approved limits for dubious ends, this is corruption. If he, in deviance of the rules, allocates government land to himself, his wife, his child or friends or otherwise appropriates his position to his or other person’s unfair advantage it is corruption. If he over values a contract so that he could earn a kick-back, this is corruption (Nwabueze, Ibid). A careful examination of the above definition and explanation demonstrate that corruption in developing countries takes two forms namely political and economic. Political corruption is the use of legislative powers by government officials for illegitimate private gain (http://en.wikipedia.org.). From the political point of view, the perpetrators are political office holders, bureaucrats, public servants, the press and the general public. This has stigmatized the image of the government, weakened its credibility and reduced the effectiveness of the development programmes and policies; and also to a great extent, weakens the economy of the nation (Aransi, 2008:63). Economic corruption ravaging the economies of developing countries could be noticed in financial institutions such as banks, the insurance companies and the stock brokers (Aransi, ibid). Corruption is a world- wide phenomenon which has been with societies throughout the history. It has caused political and economic instability in societies and depending on the scale, it has led to social conflict and violence, as competing groups vie for state power which is the source of distribution of resources and other amenities in society (Odunuga 2000:55).
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
RESEARCH QUESTIONS
RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
H0: There is no relationship between corruption on security challenges in Nigeria.
H1: There is a relationship between corruption on security challenges in Nigeria
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THE ROLE OF LEGISLATURE IN IMPEACHMENT PROCEEDING UNDER THE 1999 CONSTITUTION OF NIGERIA
Abstract
This study examines the role of the legislature in impeachment proceedings under the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, focusing on its procedural framework, implications, and effectiveness. Impeachment, as a constitutional mechanism, serves as a check on the powers of executive office holders, ensuring accountability and integrity in governance. The research analyzes the constitutional provisions governing impeachment, particularly the powers vested in the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly, while highlighting the critical steps involved in the impeachment process. It also investigates the political, legal, and ethical dimensions influencing the legislature’s actions during impeachment proceedings. Through qualitative analysis of case studies and interviews with legal experts, the study reveals that while the legislature plays a pivotal role in upholding democratic principles, challenges such as political partisanship, public perception, and inadequate legal frameworks often hinder effective implementation. The findings underscore the need for reform to enhance the legislature’s capacity to conduct impartial and transparent impeachment proceedings, thereby strengthening democratic governance in Nigeria. This study contributes to the discourse on constitutional law and governance in Nigeria, offering recommendations for improving legislative processes in impeachment cases.
Chapter One:
Introduction
1.1 Background of the Study
Impeachment is a critical process in constitutional governance that serves as a mechanism for holding elected officials accountable for misconduct, abuse of power, or violations of the law. In Nigeria, the 1999 Constitution outlines the framework for impeachment proceedings, empowering the legislature to oversee and execute this process. The legislature, comprising the National Assembly at the federal level and State Houses of Assembly at the state level, plays a crucial role in ensuring that public officials remain accountable to the electorate. The efficacy of this legislative role significantly influences the integrity of Nigeria’s democratic system.
The 1999 Constitution was established following a prolonged period of military rule, marking a return to civilian governance. In this context, the framers of the Constitution aimed to create a robust framework that would prevent the excesses of past administrations and protect the principles of democracy. Impeachment, as enshrined in the Constitution, is intended to serve as a safeguard against the potential abuse of executive power. However, the practical application of impeachment in Nigeria has been fraught with challenges, including political interference, partisanship, and legal ambiguities.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Despite the constitutional provisions for impeachment, there have been instances where the process has been undermined by political motives and partisan interests. The lack of a clear and transparent procedure for impeachment proceedings often leads to confusion and manipulation of the process, diminishing public trust in legislative institutions. Furthermore, the implications of these proceedings extend beyond the immediate political landscape, affecting the overall stability and functioning of Nigeria’s democratic framework.
This study seeks to address the gaps in understanding the role of the legislature in impeachment proceedings under the 1999 Constitution, examining both the strengths and weaknesses of the current framework. It will analyze how the legislature’s actions in impeachment cases have influenced public perceptions of accountability and governance in Nigeria.
1.3 Objectives of the Study
The primary objectives of this study are as follows:
To analyze the constitutional provisions governing the impeachment process in Nigeria.
To examine the role of the legislature in the impeachment proceedings, including the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly.
To investigate the challenges and limitations faced by the legislature in effectively conducting impeachment proceedings.
To assess the implications of impeachment proceedings on democratic governance and accountability in Nigeria.
To provide recommendations for improving the legislative process in impeachment cases.
1.4 Research Questions
This study aims to answer the following research questions:
What are the constitutional provisions regarding impeachment proceedings in Nigeria?
How does the legislature exercise its role in impeachment proceedings under the 1999 Constitution?
What challenges does the legislature encounter in the impeachment process?
What impact do impeachment proceedings have on democratic governance and accountability in Nigeria?
What reforms can enhance the effectiveness of the legislative role in impeachment cases?
1.5 Significance of the Study
This study is significant for several reasons. First, it contributes to the understanding of the legislative role in impeachment proceedings within the Nigerian constitutional framework. By examining the challenges and implications of the process, the study provides insights into the effectiveness of the legislature as a check on executive power. Second, the findings may inform policymakers, legal practitioners, and scholars about potential reforms to enhance accountability and transparency in the impeachment process. Ultimately, this research aims to promote a more robust democratic culture in Nigeria, reinforcing the importance of legislative oversight in governance.
1.6 Scope and Delimitation of the Study
The study will focus on the impeachment proceedings as outlined in the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, with particular emphasis on the role of the National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly. It will analyze relevant case studies, including notable impeachment cases in Nigeria, to illustrate the practical application of the legislative role. While the study will primarily address the political and legal dimensions of impeachment, it will also consider the broader implications for democratic governance. The scope is limited to the examination of the legislative role in impeachment up to the present date, recognizing that future developments may influence the context of this research.
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CORRUPTION AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA FOURTH REPUBLIC
ABSTRACT:
This work discusses corruption and sustainable development in Nigeria fourth republic. A hundred and twenty questionnaires were shared amongst people from selected states in Nigeria. Interviews and surveys were also conducted.
Primary and secondary data were used the analysis. Both frequency distribution and regression analysis were used.
It was observed therefore that corruption has a significant negative effect on sustainable development in Nigeria fourth republic. Also, there is a negative relationship between corruption and sustainable development in Nigeria fourth republic.
TABLE OF CONTENT:
INTRODUCTION
LITERATURE REVIEW
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Bibliography
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THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS: IT’S IMPACT ON NIGERIAN’S NATIONAL SECURITY
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
In 2002, an international observation proclaimed the Niger Delta as one of the most volatile regions of the world. This observation came on the heels of incessant crisis which the region have been witnessing for decades but which took alarming dimension in loosing years of the 1990’s and the opening years of the new millennium. The region from one decade to another has witnessed unprecedented crisis which revolve round political and most importantly economic factors. Also from one decade to another the nature and dynamics of crisis in the region have changed, the transformations which the crisis took from the one period to another have paved way for its institutionalization in the history of the region and Nigeria in general.1 If the institutionalization in the history of the Niger Delta crisis in the politics and economy of the country is something to discuss, the threat which it has been posing and still posing to domestic and international security of the Nigerian nation state is an aspect which requires critical academic enquiry.
A systematic analysis of the crisis is informed by my intention to identify the changing dynamics of what constitutes national security over the years and how the nation state of Nigeria have been contending with the threat which the Niger Delta crisis is posing to the so called national security. National security questions is a complex of political, legal, social, economic, ideological and military problems that arises in the course of a people struggling for political and economic independence and for the establishment of equal and friendly relations with other people in the bilateral and international affairs.
It is imperative to see how regional based crisis affect the survival of the entire country and how the political entity called Nigeria have been dealing with the changing dynamics of the crisis, the current study therefore understands that the concept of national security is fluid and dynamic. All nations of the world contend and will continue to contend with the challenges arising from the national security. To Nigeria, the complicated nature of the Niger Delta crisis poses serious and enduring threat to the fragile nature of Nigerian democracy and the ever volatile national security.
What this work explores is the complexity involved in the maintenance of national security which arose as a result of the crisis in the Niger Delta. For the purpose of this research, the concept of National Security questions and the contributions of Niger Delta crisis are both international and domestic in nature.
In this work, I attempt to answer the entire questions of the place of crude oil in the escalation and the reduction of the Niger Delta crisis. The significance of the other exigencies or factors in the crisis? The contributions of the Multinational Corporation and different political ferments in the region? The Niger Delta crisis cannot be understood without a critical understanding of the relationship between individual communities on the one hand and with the federal government on the other hand which revolve round the control of resources and retarded infrastructural, economic and social development in the region.
To what extents have the crisis constitutes threats to national security? Put differently, what is the threat which the crisis is posing to the Nigeria’s nascent democracy? How crisis have metamorphosed in the all-embracing concept of national security is also analyzed and the entire attempts made by the federal government to preserve legitimacy in the name of the fundamental national security are not left undiscussed.
Niger Delta crisis at every point in time have threatened the primacy responsibility of the government in terms of security of lives and properties and the preservation of oneness of Nigeria as a single political entity.2 National security transcends the primary role of the government in the protection of lives and properties. It also involves the international security and sovereignty. The gagging question is: is the Niger Delta crisis posing any threat to the international security and sovereignty of the Nigerian nation?
National security questions and the role played by the Niger Delta crisis is theme which requires adequate scholarly attention.
The objective of this study therefore are
The justification for this work can best be appreciated from two major perspectives namely, the need to carryout a critical academic analysis of he origin of the Nigeria Delta Crisis and an appraisal of the impact of the Niger Delta Crisis on national security, hence the changing dynamics of the crisis and the high degree of internationalization which its taken in recent years. The internationalization of the Niger Delta Crisis is as old as the history of the crisis itself; however, in recent years the concern of the international community is getting higher and higher.
This work focuses on the threat which the Niger Delta Crisis is posing to national security of Nigeria, no aspect of national security question can be understood in isolation, this is because as earlier mentioned the concept of national security is a very fluid one and deeply rooted in the history of Nigeria, the nature and dynamics also change in accordance with the history of the national and that of Niger Delta Crisis, it is against this background that the study carries out comparative analysis of how Niger Delta related crisis and other regional and non regional crisis are affecting national security, comparative approach provides the necessary yardstick of measuring the vicissitude of our case study. Apart from enhancing our understanding of the vicissitudes of the Niger Delta crisis and national security, discourse of some related crisis will provide us with the necessary tool, concept, model and methodology of analysis.
One of the best ways of achieving the desired result in the discourse of Niger Delta crisis and national security is to look at it from the historical perspective hence history is prerequisite to a good understanding of contemporary phenomenon. The complexity of the Niger-Delta crisis and national security will make its analysis from a purely contemporary perspective to be inadequate, it is in the light of this, that the Niger Delta Crisis is traced from the 19th century when the numerous cit-states in the region were at longer head with one another over the control of production and exchange of palm oil down to the period of British invasion, the contribution of colonial rule cannot be overemphasized, the changing dynamics in the relations between one Niger Delta community and the other have to be understood within the framework of pre-existing relations.2 the discovery of crude oil at the tail end of the colonial rule is absolutely central to this discourse because it was the crisis and compromise connected with the exploitation of crude oil that gave the region it current stigmatization as one of the most volatile regions of the world.3
The impact of Niger Delta Crisis reflects in virtually all aspect of the socio-cultural economic and political life of the people for the purpose of this research and as I have mentioned above, I will focus on the impact which the crisis is having on national security and this cannot be understood without the knowledge of other impacts, so, occasional references will be made to other impacts of the crisis which have direct correlation on national security.
The limitations of this study is the volatile nature of the subject, materials used for academic research requires cross examination because they all have their limitations, the limitations of materials used for this work can best be appreciated against the stand point of the fact that subjects related to crisis most importantly in the Niger Delta is fluid, the fact that I address the aspect of national security as it relates to the crisis in Niger Delta makes our discourse the one which require expertise in the collection, selection, analysis and in fact interpretation of materials All the groups in the Niger Delta who were interviewed sometimes provides doctored information related to the problems under examination, government officials, private workers, militants and anti-Niger Delta groups also presented issues the ways it best known to them. 4 Similar trend could be noticed in several newspapers’ reports and even published works on Niger Delta Crisis and national security.5
This is why all materials for academic research have their own limitations and have to be subjected to critical evaluation and security. It is in the light if this that cross-examination of data ultimately brings about judicious interpretation of facts as it is since national security issues have profound influence in determining the future of the oneness of the country. This study adopts thematic and chronological approaches, chronologically, it is important that we understand how Niger Delta Crisis and national security has unfolded from one period to another and the numerous forms and dimensions which therefore, assist in providing a one by one or step by step analysis of the problems, aspect of this work which will be thematically discussed, are the ones related to the ways crisis have been affecting national security some of which are basically exposition.
In this work, I adopted a multicultural and multidisciplinary approach, the need for multicultural approach stems from the fact that themes related to peace and conflicts studies in African can only be adequately researched by adopting a lot of models, concepts and methodology from different but related academic and intellectual persuasion. Also, multidisciplinary approach is the latest trend and one of the best ways of showing relevance of once discipline to several other disciplines, this is why I draw most of my evidence from history, political science, strategic studies, conflict studies and other related disciplines.
At this point, it is worthy of note to states that this work is basically a historical and contemporary analysis of Niger Delta Crisis and national security, the tradition methods of gathering information, i.e. primary and secondary sources is adopted. In the category of the primary sources that are pivotal to this work are: Archival materials, Newspapers on national security, Oral interview, MPA 1 and II classes’ discussions e.t.c. A sizeable percentage of secondary sources that is used came from published and unpublished works which include Books, Articles in journals e.t.c. that are related to Niger Delta and national security in the 19th,20th and 21st centuries, however, a greater percentage of the materials used for this work came from extensive fieldwork in the region and newspaper cuttings on themes related to national security and the Niger Delta Crisis, this is significant going by the pan citing of published work on peace and conflict studies in Nigeria.
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POLITICS OF REGIONALISM IN NIGERIA
ABSTRACT
The concept of regionalism in Nigerian politics is as important in the political analyses of the Nigerian state as the nose on every ones face. One cannot shy away from the consciousness of the existence of regionalism in the polity of Nigeria . At this point it is imperative to answer the question. What is regionalism in the context of Nigerian politics, and what is its background in Nigerian politics. Regionalism as a concept in Nigerian politics describes the political sub-unit which differentiates other political units from another for the purpose of administration and beaurocratic consideration. It emphasizes what is know today as state, not in the sense of it as Nigeria, Ghana, or America but state as in Adamawa, Cross river, Ekiti and so on. The regions in Nigeria is to a great extent partitioned along geopolitical boundaries to express the idea of nationhood which is characterized by common language, common history, common objective, the desire to remain together even in the future, the spirit of nationalism. From the foregoing, it can be said that regionalism in Nigerian politics expresses the political sub-unit and nationhood with its geographical distribution for the purpose of administration convenience and beaurocratic considerations.
This paper examines the military, ethnicity and democracy within the context of Nigeria’s historical and sociopolitical reality.. Nigeria’s inability to foster a sustainable democratic tradition has negative consequences for the country and at present, it is engaged in the fourth attempt at democracy. The quest for democracy and therefore development in Nigeria has been hindered by the disruptive influences of ethnicity and militarism. This paper sees ethnicity as aploy used by the military to perpetuate itself in power at the expense of national development. The military’s love for power stems partially from a love for wealth and partly from its self-image as the custodian of the independent and corporate existence of the country. If the democratic tradition is to be sustained in Nigeria, constitutional as well as policy
measures should be adopted to tackle the issues of ethnicity and militarism.
Federalism is often regarded as the appropriate governmental principle for countries with huge ethno-cultural diversities. Nigeria, with over two hundred and fifty ethnic groups inherited a federal system from Britain in 1960 and successive governments have attempted, with varying degrees of sincerity and commitment, to operate federal institutions that can accommodate the country’s ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic diversities and nurture a sense of national unity. However, the leaders of these governments, at all levels, have failed to fulfil their obligations to offer good governance anchored on equitable political arrangements, transparent administrative practices and accountable public conduct. Indeed, failure to encourage genuine power sharing has triggered dangerous rivalries between the central government and the thirty six states governments over revenue from the country’s oil and other natural resources. The defective federal structure has also promoted bitter struggles between interests groups to capture the state and its attendant wealth; and facilitated the emergence of violent ethnic militias, while politicians exploit and exacerbate inter-communal tensions for selfish reasons. Thus, communities throughout the country increasingly feel marginalized and alienated from the Nigerian state. This writer contends that the deeply flawed federal system in Nigeria constitutes a grave threat to national integration, stability and development; and that unless the government properly engages the underlying issues of resource control, power sharing, equal rights and accountability, the country will face an internal crisis of increasing and dangerous proportions. This paper seeks to examine the contentious issues in Nigeria’s federal arrangement, and the challenges they pose for nation-building and national stability.
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
The concept of regionalism in Nigerian politics is as important in the political analyses of the Nigerian state as the nose on every ones face. One cannot shy away from the consciousness of the existence of regionalism in the polity of Nigeria . At this point it is imperative to answer the question. What is regionalism in the context of Nigerian politics, and what is its background in Nigerian politics. Regionalism as a concept in Nigerian politics describes the political sub-unit which differentiates other political units from another for the purpose of administration and beaurocratic consideration. It emphasizes what is know today as state, not in the sense of it as Nigeria, Ghana, or America but state as in Adamawa, Cross river, Ekiti and so on. The regions in Nigeria is to a great extent partitioned along geopolitical boundaries to express the idea of nationhood which is characterized by common language, common history, common objective, the desire to remain together even in the future, the spirit of nationalism. From the foregoing, it can be said that regionalism in Nigerian politics expresses the political sub-unit and nationhood with its geographical distribution for the purpose of administration convenience and beaurocratic considerations.
British influence and control over what would become Nigeria and Africa’s most populous country grew through the 19th century. A series of constitutions after World War II granted Nigeria greater autonomy; independence came in 1960. Following nearly 16 years of military rule, a new constitution was adopted in 1999, and a peaceful transition to civilian government was completed. The government continues to face the daunting task of reforming a petroleum-based economy, whose revenues have been squandered through corruption and mismanagement, and institutionalizing democracy. In addition, Nigeria continues to experience longstanding ethnic and religious tensions. Although both the 2003 and 2007 presidential elections were marred by significant irregularities and violence, Nigeria is currently experiencing its longest period of civilian rule since independence. The general elections of April 2007 marked the first civilian-to-civilian transfer of power in the country’s history.
Nigeria became independent on October 1, 1960. The period between this date and January 15, 1966, when the first military coup d’état took place, is generally referred to as the First Republic, although the country only became a republic on October 1, 1963. After a plebiscite in February 1961, the Northern Cameroons, which before then was administered separately within Nigeria, voted to join Nigeria. At independence Nigeria had all the trappings of a democratic state and was indeed regarded as a beacon of hope for democracy. It had a federal constitution that guaranteed a large measure of autonomy to three (later four) regions; it operated a parliamentary democracy modeled along British lines that emphasized majority rule; the constitution included an elaborate bill of rights; and, unlike other African states that adopted one-party systems immediately after independence, the country had a functional, albeit regionally based, multiparty system.
These democratic trappings were not enough to guarantee the survival of the republic because of certain fundamental and structural weaknesses. Perhaps the most significant weakness was the disproportionate power of the north in the federation. The departing colonial authority had hoped that the development of national politics would forestall any sectional domination of power, but it underestimated the effects of a regionalized party system in a country where political power depended on population. The major political parties in the republic had emerged in the late 1940s and early 1950s as regional parties whose main aim was to control power in their regions. The Northern People’s Congress (NPC) and the Action Group (AG), which controlled the Northern Region and the Western Region, respectively, clearly emerged in this way. The National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), which controlled the Eastern Region and the Midwestern Region (created in 1963), began as a nationalist party but was forced by the pressures of regionalism to become primarily an eastern party, albeit with strong pockets of support elsewhere in the federation. These regional parties were based upon, and derived their main support from, the major groups in their regions: NPC (Hausa/Fulani), AG (Yoruba), and NCNC (Igbo). A notable and more ideologically-based political party that never achieved significant power was Aminu Kano’s radical Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), which opposed the NPC in the north from its Kano base.
There were also several political movements formed by minority groups to press their demands for separate states. These minority parties also doubled as opposition parties in the regions and usually aligned themselves with the party in power in another region that supported their demands for a separate state. Ethnic minorities therefore enabled the regional parties to extend their influence beyond their regions.
In the general election of 1959 to determine which parties would rule in the immediate postcolonial period, the major ones won a majority of seats in their regions, but none emerged powerful enough to constitute a national government. A coalition government was formed by the NPC and NCNC, the former having been greatly favored by the departing colonial authority. The coalition provided a measure of north-south consensus that would not have been the case if the NCNC and AG had formed a coalition. Nnamdi Azikiwe (NCNC) became the governor general (and president after the country became a republic in 1963), Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (NPC) was named prime minister, and Obafemi Awolowo (AG) had to settle for leader of the opposition. The regional premiers were Ahmadu Bello (Northern Region, NPC), Samuel Akintola (Western Region, AG), Michael Okpara (Eastern Region, NCNC), and Dennis Osadebey (Midwestern Region, NCNC).
Among the difficulties of the republic were efforts of the NPC, the senior partner in the coalition government, to use the federal government’s increasing power in favor of the Northern Region. The balance rested on the premise that the Northern Region had the political advantage deriving from its preponderant size and population, and the two southern regions (initially the Eastern Region and the Western Region) had the economic advantage as sources of most of the exported agricultural products, in addition to their control of the federal bureaucracy. The NPC sought to redress northern economic and bureaucratic disadvantages. Under the First National Development Plan, many of the federal government’s projects and military establishments were allocated to the north. There was an “affirmative action” program by the government to recruit and train northerners, resulting in the appointment of less qualified northerners to federal public service positions, many replacing more qualified southerners. Actions such as these served to estrange the NCNC from its coalition partner. The reactions to the fear of northern dominance, and especially the steps taken by the NCNC to counter the political dominance of the north, accelerated the collapse of the young republic.
The southern parties, especially the embittered NCNC, had hoped that the regional power balance could be shifted if the 1962 census favored the south. Population determined the allocation of parliamentary seats on which the power of every region was based. Because population figures were also used in allocating revenue to the regions and in determining the viability of any proposed new region, the 1962 census was approached by all regions as a key contest for control of the federation. This contest led to various illegalities: inflated figures, electoral violence, falsification of results, manipulation of population figures, and the like. Although the chief census officer found evidence of more inflated figures in the southern regions, the northern region retained its numerical superiority. As could be expected, southern leaders rejected the results, leading to a cancellation of the census and to the holding of a fresh census in 1963. This population count was finally accepted after a protracted legal battle by the NCNC and gave the Northern Region a population of 29,758,975 out of the total of 55,620,268. These figures eliminated whatever hope the southerners had of ruling the federation.
Since the 1962-63 exercise, the size and distribution of the population have remained volatile political issues (see Population , ch. 2). In fact, the importance and sensitivity of a census count have increased because of the expanded use of population figures for revenue allocations, constituency delineation, allocations under the quota system of admissions into schools and employment, and the siting of industries and social amenities such as schools, hospitals, and post offices. Another census in 1973 failed, even though it was conducted by a military government that was less politicized than its civilian predecessor. What made the 1973 census particularly volatile was the fact that it was part of a transition plan by the military to hand over power to civilians. The provisional figures showed an increase for the states that were carved out of the former Northern Region with a combined 51.4 million people out of a total 79.8 million people. Old fears of domination were resurrected, and the stability of the federation was again seriously threatened. The provisional results were finally canceled in 1975. As of late 1990, no other census had been undertaken, although one was scheduled for 1991 as part of the transition to civilian rule. In the interim, Nigeria has relied on population projections based on 1963 census figures.
Other events also contributed to the collapse of the First Republic. In 1962, after a split in the leadership of the AG that led to a crisis in the Western Region, a state of emergency was declared in the region, and the federal government invoked its emergency powers to administer the region directly. These actions resulted in removing the AG from regional power. Awolowo, its leader, along with other AG leaders, was convicted of treasonable felony. Awolowo’s former deputy and premier of the Western Region formed a new party–the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP)–that took over the government. The federal coalition government also supported agitation of minority groups for a separate state to be excised from the Western Region. In 1963 the Midwestern Region was created.
By the time of the 1964 general elections, the first to be conducted solely by Nigerians, the country’s politics had become polarized into a competition between two opposing alliances. One was the Nigerian National Alliance made up of the NPC and NNDC; the other was the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) composed of the NCNC, the AG, and their allies. Each of the regional parties openly intimidated its opponents in the campaigns. When it became clear that the neutrality of the Federal Electoral Commission could not be guaranteed, calls were made for the army to supervise the elections. The UPGA resolved to boycott the elections. When elections were finally held under conditions that were not free and were unfair to opponents of the regional parties, the NCNC was returned to power in the east and midwest, while the NPC kept control of the north and was also in a position to form a federal government on its own. The Western Region became the “theater of war” between the NNDP (and the NPC) and the AG-UPGA. The rescheduled regional elections late in 1965 were violent. The federal government refused to declare a state of emergency, and the military seized power on January 15, 1966. The First Republic had collapsed.
Scholars have made several attempts to explain the collapse. Some attribute it to the inappropriateness of the political institutions and processes and to their not being adequately entrenched under colonial rule, whereas others hold the elite responsible. Lacking a political culture to sustain democracy, politicians failed to play the political game according to established rules. The failure of the elite appears to have been a symptom rather than the cause of the problem. Because members of the elite lacked a material base for their aspirations, they resorted to control of state offices and resources. At the same time, the uneven rates of development among the various groups and regions invested the struggle for state power with a group character. These factors gave importance to group, ethnic, and regional conflicts that eventually contributed to the collapse of the republic.
The final explanation is closely related to all the foregoing. It holds that the regionalization of politics and, in particular, of party politics made the stability of the republic dependent on each party retaining control of its regional base. As long as this was so, there was a rough balance between the parties, as well as their respective regions. Once the federal government invoked its emergency powers in 1962 and removed the AG from power in the Western Region, the fragile balance on which the federation rested was disturbed. Attempts by the AG and NCNC to create a new equilibrium, or at least to return the status quo ante, only generated stronger opposition and hastened the collapse of the republic.
1.2 PROBLEMS OF THE STUDY
Political pundits have always opined that political developments in Nigeria have historical and colonial under pinning’. This statement is an incontrovertible fact. The issue of the politicization in Northern Nigeria in particular and the nation in general is one of them. From the colonial days although the formation of the Jamia Islamiya Mautaneen Arewa (JIMA) which was formed and led by Dr. R. A.B. Dikko a Christian) which later became Northern People’s Congress and was hijacked by the Northern oligarchy, religion has been politicized by politicians in Northern Nigeria to score political goals. This is because religion appeals to the emotion and psychology of the people and spurs various reactions usually violent reactions as seen in the various riots like the Sharia riot that had to do with religion in Northern part of the country.
Religious riots have often threatened the foundation of Nigerian unity such occasions have been followed by calls for the victims of such riots to come back to their home, where they can’t be assured of their protection and safety. This has implications national integration. There are clear indications that religion will in the near future play a dominant role in the election of appointment of political leaders from that part of the country.
What is the effect of politicized religion on the nation’s federalism in general and Northern Nigeria in particular? This is what this project tends to unravel.
The various challenges of nation – building, some of which have been detailed upon earlier on in this paper, have been compounded by the leadership crisis. Though, the leadership challenge, like the Sword of Damocles, hangs above all nations, the issue has however assumed a crisis dimension of monumental consequences particularly in Less Developed Countries (LDCs). Nigeria is a nation born in hope and optimism but has lived in anxiety for most of its fifty year – history due to the country’s failure to produce a nationally acceptable leadership that transcends ethnic, regional and religious boundaries, and that can unite its diverse peoples for mobilization towards national development. In the light of this, it is valid to support the argument that the basic problem with the Nigerian federation is the failure of leadership. All other factors of disunity, instability and under –development have been nurtured and given momentum by leadership failure. Criticisms against Nigerian leaders across Local, State and Federal government levels are many and justified. These include corruption, unpatriotism, selfishness, despotism, tribalism, and religious bigotry.
Corruption is a global phenomenon but it is more prevalent and destructive in the Third World countries. That corruption in Nigeria has become an endemic problem threatening the country’s socio – economic and political development is common knowledge. While acknowledging the threat of corruption to the Nigerian State, Hon. Ghali Umar Na’ Abba, former Speaker of Nigeria’s House of Representatives declared in 2003 that” While we cannot rule out the incidence of corruption and bribery in almost every facet of our society, it is particularly resident in the infrastructure areas in ministries or monopolistic parastals saddled with the task of making infrastructure available to the public – water, telecommunication, electricity (NEPA), roads and railways (NRC).24
In that same year, a Central Bank of Nigeria Director stated that “the avalanche of frauds and unprofessional / unethical practices in the industry in recent years is eroding public confidence in the system”25 In 2004, Transparency International (TI), the world – acclaimed anti – corruption watchdog, ranked Nigeria as the third most corrupt country in the world, after Haiti and Bangladesh. It also stated that billions of dollars are lost to bribery in public purchasing, particularly in the oil sector of the economy. Furthermore, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) declared that Nigeria has maintained a seventy percent rise in poverty inspite of an income of over two hundred billion dollars in oil revenues since 1970, and her per capital income has hardly improved ever since.26
Corruption in Nigeria is, primarily, a political problem. The incidence of corruption in a nation is as a result of the lack of political will on the part of the political leadership and the inability of the state to maintain law and order. Thus, business corruption is a fall – out of the failure to tackle political corruption, which casts doubts upon the moral uprightness of the state as a whole and on the political will of the leadership to manage the affairs of the nation. It follows simple logic that where there is absence of political corruption is where the state operates under a high ethical order and upholds, protects and enforce the rule of law on itself and on its citizens. Under the rule of law and justice, the state machinery works for the good of all and there will be no stealing of public funds, inflation of contracts, forgeries, and mismanagement of money in banks, industries and government beaurocracies. In a nutshell, as it has played out in Nigeria, political corruption and business corruption are two sides of the same coin. In this regard, it is important to note that the seedy financial scandals exposed in the Fourth Republic involved several financial institutions. For example, former Inspector General of Police (IGP) Tafa Balogun’s financial frauds involved the laundering of billions of Naira under different names in different banks. Similar method was also employed by government officials involved in “Ikoyigate”, a reference to the shameful fraud involving the sale of government properties in Ikoyi, Lagos, and other financial scandals that rocked the Fourth Republic across the Local, State and Federal Government units, including the Presidency itself.27
1.3 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY
1. To evaluate the politics of regionalism in Nigeria.
2. To know how regionalism culminated into federalism in Nigeria leading to development of National government and component regions or federating units.
3. To evaluate the series of political and constitutional development in Nigeria since development of regionalism and federal structures.
4. To assess the challenges posed to Nigeria today as a result of regionalism.
5. To recommend solutions the problems of Nigeria as a result of regionalism.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTION
1. Can one evaluate the politics of regionalism in Nigeria?
2. Does regionalism culminated into federalism in Nigeria leading to development of National government and component regions or federating units?
3. What are the series of political and constitutional development in Nigeria since development of regionalism and federal structures?
4. What are the challenges posed to Nigeria today as a result of regionalism?
5. Can there be any recommended solutions the problems of Nigeria as a result of regionalism?
1.5 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
H0: One cannot evaluate the politics of regionalism in Nigeria.
H1: One can evaluate the politics of regionalism in Nigeria.
H0: Regionalism did not culminate into federalism in Nigeria leading to development of National government and component regions or federating units.
H1: Regionalism culminated into federalism in Nigeria leading to development of National government and component regions or federating units.
H0: There are no series of political and constitutional development in Nigeria since development of regionalism and federal structures.
H1: There are series of political and constitutional development in Nigeria since development of regionalism and federal structures.
H0: Regionalism posed little challenges today Nigeria politics.
H1: Regionalism posed great challenges today Nigeria politics.
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The significance of the study cannot be over-emphasized, especially now that there is a nascent democracy and government is looking for ways to promoting things that unite the country and discontinue those that tend to divide it.
The significance of this study is as follow:
Firstly, it would provide an insight into the role that religious is playing in Nigeria politics.
Secondly, it is hoped that the study would provide the Nigerian leaders with enough information that will guide them in formulation that will guide them in formulating policies in the areas of religion and the state.
Thirdly, the study will go a long way in changing the orientation of the people with respect to the negative perception of religion in politics. Such understanding it is expected would help to engender the spirit of tolerance and accommodation among the people of diverse religion.
1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
The study is concerned with the politics of religionism in Nigeria. Essentially, it will focus on the attendant effects that politicization of religion in the Northern studies have on the Nigerian federation. The limitation of this study is defined by the sensitive nature of the main subject matter which is religious, a subject that evokes a lot of emotion and sensitivities.
1.8 DEFINITION OF TERMS
Ethnic: Ethnic heterogeneity is a pervasive feature of the contemporary world. The problem it poses,especially in deeply divided or plural societies, is one of reconciling ethnic diversity withoverarching loyalty to the state. This is the more problematic because the state is not a neutralforce in mediating political conflict. It can be captured and used to further the interests of theleadership of an ethnic group or combination of such groups.
What is National unity?
National unity is about the acquisition of power and the use of such power. The Oxford
Dictionary of Words defines national unity as “matters concerned with acquiring or exercising
power, within a group or an organisation”. Nkem Onyekpe defines the term national unity as: The struggle for power which itself is the authority to determine or formulate
and execute decisions and policies, which must be accepted by the society… it is the struggle for power of governance, especially executive authority
(Onyekpe 1998:16). Onyekpe however gives a caveat to the first part of his definition. According to him, the struggle for or the acquisition of power and the reaction of the society to it,
depend greatly on the level of political development of the country. In an undemocratic society, it does not really matter whether the decisions and policies are accepted by the society. Thus the value of political power or national unity leaves little or no room for the people to have input, except where democracy has already been entrenched.
In a plutocratic system of government, like we have in Nigeria in recent past, political
Pluralism: Pluralism suggests divergent views. The Oxford Dictionary defines it as: the existence
in one society of a number of groups that belong to different race or have different political or religious beliefs… the principle that these different groups can live together in peace in one society.
This definition, suggests that pluralism points to the existence of many groups of people, whether tribal, ethnic, political or religious. Therefore, a religious pluralistic society will refer to an environment where there are many religious beliefs, concepts or ideologies. This perhaps is comparable to a society with multiplicity of religious
thoughts and ideologies. This sets the tone of the main preoccupation of this work, which is the appraisal of relationship between ethnicity and national unity in an environment that is pluralistic.
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LEADERSHIP AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA:
ISSUES AND PROSPECTS FOR
NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
PAGE(S)
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT………………………………… iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS……………………………….… v -viii
LIST OF TABLES………………………………………… ix
LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………. x
LIST OF ABBREVIATION ………………………………. xi
ABSTRACT……………………………………………….. xii
BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY………………………. 1 – 7
STATEMENT OF RESEARCH PROBLEM…………….. 8 – 9
OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY………………………….. 10
HYPOTHESIS/ASSUMPTION…………………………… 12
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY………………………… 12-13
SCOPE OF THE STUDY…………………………………. 13
LIMITATION OF THE STUDY……………………………. 13-14
ENDNOTES ………………………………………………… 15-16
LITERATURE REVIEW PAGE(S)
THE CONCEPT OF FOREIGN POLICY………………. 17 – 18
THE CONCEPT OF NATIONAL INTEREST…………. 18 – 23
THE CONCEPT OF POWER…….…………………….. 28 – 32
THE CONCEPT OF GLOBALISATION…….…………. 32 – 36
ENDNOTES………………………………………………. 37 – 39
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY PAGE(S)
INTRODUCTION………………………………………… 40 – 43
OBJECTIVES OF NIGERIA’S FOREIGN POLICY…… 43-48
NIGERIAN NATIONAL COMPONENT POWERS AS
DETERMINANTS AND INSTRUMENT OF NIGERIAN
FOREIGN POLICY………………………………………. 48-55
NIGERIA’S FOREIGN POLICY IN THE NEW
INTERNATIONAL ORDER ……………………………. 55-62
DEBT CANCELLATION………………………………… 62-65
PROMOTION OF GLOBAL PROSPERITY AND PEACE… 65-68
ENDNOTE..………………………………………………. 69-70
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS PAGE(S)
PROSPECTS OF NIGERIA’S FOREIGN POLICY…….. 71-72
PROBLEMS OF NIGERIA’S FOREIGN POLICY……….. 72-77
FUTURE PROSPECTS OF NIGERIA’S FOREIGN
POLICY……………………………………………………….. 77-81
ENDNOTES………………………………………………… 82
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
PAGE(S)
SUMMARY……………………………………………… 83-85
CONCLUSION …………………………………………. 85- 87
RECOMMENDATIONS ……………………………….. 88 – 94
ANNEX A………………………………………………… A-1 – A-9
ANNEX B………………………………………………… B-1 – B-5
REFERENCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY ……………………………………… 95 –100
1. I wish to express my sincere appreciation to my supervising DS, …………………………………………………. for his painstaking effort at correcting my work. I wish to specifically thank my beloved wife ………………………………………………for her support and prayers during this research.
2. I am also grateful to all those who guided my efforts during this study. Above all, I thank the Almighty God for the guidance during the course.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE(S)
TITLE PAGE…..………………………………………………………i
CERTIFICATION..………………………………………………………,ii
DEDICATION,……………………………………………………………iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT.………………………………………………..iv
TABLE OF CONTENT.………………………………………………….V-
LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………..
LIST OF ABBREVIATION………………………………………………
ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION PAGE (S)
BACKGROUND…………………………………………………………….1-4
STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM………………………………………..,4-5
OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY……………………………………………….6
REACH HYPOTHESIS………………………………………………………6
SIGNIFICANT OF THE STUDY……………………………………………..7
SCOPE OF THE STUDY………………………………………………………7
LIMITATION………………………………………………………………………………….……8
ENDNOTES…………………………………………………………………….9
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW PAGE (S)
Leadership…………………………………………………………………11
Good Governance…………………………………………………………12
Relationship between Leadership and Good Governance…………….…..14
Indicators of Good Governance…………………………………………..14
Theoretical Framework……………………………………………………15
Review of Existing Literature…………………………………………….16
Notes………………………………………………………………………19
CHAPTER 3
APPRAISAL OF LEADERSHIP AND GOOD
GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
Overview of Leadership and Good Governance in Nigeria since Independence……………………………………………………………..21
Effects of Leadership on Good Governance in the First Decade
of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic……………………………………………..23
Voice and Accountability…………………………………………………24
Rule of Law……………………………………………………………….26
Political Stability…………………………………………………………27
Government Effectiveness……………………………………………….28
Control of Corruption…………………………………………………….29
Presentation and Analysis of Surveyed Data………..……………………31
Breakdown of Respondents’ Details……………………………………..31
Data Presentation and Analysis…………………………………………..31
Summary of Findings…………………………………………………….34
Issues Associated with Leadership and Good Governance in Nigeria …..35
Political Issues……………………………………………………………35
Economic Issues………………………………………………………….38
Social Issues………………………………………………………………41
Notes……………………………………………………………………..42
CHAPTER 4
CHALLENGES, PROSPECTS AND STRATEGIES ASSOCIATED WITH LEADERSHIP AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
Challenges…………………………………………………………………47
Prospects………………………………………………………………….51
Strategies…………………………………………………………………..53
Notes………………………………………………………………………57
CHAPTER 5
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Conclusion………………………………………………………………58
Recommendations………………………………………………………60
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Books……………………………………………………………………61
Periodicals/Journals……………………………………………………..62
Official Publications…………………………………………………….62
Unpublished Materials…………………………………………………..63
Newspapers/Magazines…………………………………………………63
Internet Sources…………………………………………………………64
Interviews……………………………………………………………….65
Television Interviews..………………………………………………….66
Appendices………………………………………………………………66
GLOSSARY OF ABBREVIATIONS
CFRN – Constitution of the Federal Republic of
Nigeria.
CSOs – Civil Society Organizations.
DP Due Process.
EFCC – Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.
EU – European Union.
EVS Electronic Voting System.
FACC – Federation Account.
FDIs – Foreign Direct Investments.
FGN – Federal Government of Nigeria.
FRN Federal Republic of Nigeria.
HDI – Human Development Index.
ICPC – Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission.
IIAG – Ibrahim Index of African Governance.
INEC – Independent National Electoral Commission.
LG Local Government.
LGA – Local Government Area.
MDAs – Ministries, Departments and Agencies.
NASS – National Assembly.
NCE – National Certificate of Education.
ND – Niger Delta.
NOA – National Orientation Agency.
OND – Ordinary National Diploma.
PDP – People’s Democratic Party.
PEPs – Politically Exposed Persons.
PLC – Private Limited Company.
PPP – Public Private Partnership.
SER – Serial.
SNF – Special National Fund.
SNG – Save Nigeria Group.
UK – United Kingdom.
UN – United Nations.
UNDP – United Nations Development Programme.
UNDP-HDI – United Nations Development Programme-Human Development Index.
USA – United States of America.
USAID – United States Agency for International
Development.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE(S)
Title Page .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. i
Certification .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ii
Dedication .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. iii
Acknowledgement .. .. .. .. .. .. .. iv
Table of Contents .. .. .. .. .. .. .. iv – ix
List of Tables . .. .. .. .. .. .. …. x
Glossary of Terms .. .. .. .. .. .. .. xi – xii
Abstract .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. xiii
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION PAGE(S)
Background of the study .. …. .. .. .. .. 1 – 3
Statement of the Problem .. …. .. .. .. .. 3 – 5
Objectives of the Study .. .. .. .. .. .. 5
Hypothesis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 6
Significance of the Study .. .. .. .. .. .. 6 – 7
Scope … .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 7
Methodology .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 7 – 8
Limitations .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 8 – 9
Assumptions .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 9
Endnotes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 10
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW PAGE(S)
The Concept of Begging .. .. .. .. .. .. 11 – 13
The Almajiri System of Education .. .. .. .. 13
The Concept of Disability .. … .. .. .. .. 14
The Concept of Rehabilitation .. .. .. .. .. 14 – 15
Medical Aspects .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 15 – 17
Political and Administrative Implications .. .. .. 17 – 19
Sociological Aspects .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 20 – 21
Economic Aspects .. .. …. .. .. .. 21 – 23
Overview of Existing Literature .. .. .. .. .. 23 – 24
Endnotes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 25 – 26
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY PAGE(S)
Research Methodology . .. .. .. .. .. 27
Research Design .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 27
Area of Study .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 27 – 28
Research Population .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 28
Sample and Sampling Procedure .. .. .. .. .. 28
Instrument of Data Collection .. .. .. .. .. 28 – 29
Validations of the Instrument .. .. .. .. .. 30
Method of Data Collection . .. .. .. .. .. 30
Method of Data Analysis .. .. .. .. .. .. 30
Weakness of Methodology .. .. .. .. .. .. 31
References .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 32
CHAPTER FOUR
DATA PRESENTATION ANALYSIS AND CASE STUDY OF MARIRI REHABILITATION CENTRE
PAGE(S)
Data Presentation .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 33 – 34
Data Analysis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 34 – 37
Oral Interview .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 38 – 39
A Case Study of Mariri Rehabilitation Centre Kano .. 40 – 41
Method of Admission .. .. .. .. .. .. 41 – 42
Daily Maintenance .. .. .. .. .. .. 43 – 44
Training Programme .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 44 – 45
Infrastructures .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 45
Recreational Facilities .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 45 – 46
Summary of Findings .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 46 – 47
Endnotes .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. .. 48
CHAPTER FIVE
SUGGESTED SOLUTIONS
PAGE(S)
Rehabilitating the Inevitable Beggars .. .. .. .. 49 – 53
Rehabilitating the Compulsive Beggars .. .. .. 53 – 54
Rehabilitating the Almajirai .. .. .. .. .. .. 54 – 56
General Rehabilitation Programmes.. .. .. .. .. 56 – 58
Endnotes .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 59
CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
PAGE(S)
Conclusion .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 60 – 62
Recommendations .. .. .. .. .. 63 – 65
Bibliography .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 66 – 68
Annex A .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. A-1 – A- 3
Annex B .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. B-1 – B-2
LIST OF TABLES
| Serial | Title of Table | Page No |
| (a) | (b) | (c) |
| Distribution of beggars by age | 34 | |
| Distribution of beggars by sex | 35 | |
| Distribution of beggars by marital status | 36 | |
| Distribution of beggars by expected income | 36 | |
| Distribution of beggars by category | 37 |
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Some key terminologies that would facilitate understanding of the study are given some working definitions.
1. Almajirai. Pupils who left their homes to acquire the Islamic education under the tutelage of a Qur’anic teacher, called Mallam. The term has become associated with children who beg for alms.
2. Almajirinci. The act of begging by the Almajirai.
3. Bara. Hausa word for the act of begging for alms by the Almajarai.
4. Beggars. Beggars include persons who may or may not have any disability, but resort to begging (refusing to engage in any self-reliant productive venture) so as to get money.
5. Begging. Begging involves the act of seeking or asking for alms/property from someone usually by a person in need or who is apparently in need.
6. Families. Group of parents and children; all those persons descended from a common ancestor. It is a universal social group which exists in every society. It is a group of persons united by ties of marriage, blood or adoption in a single household and sharing a common culture.
7. Zakka. Zakka is one of the 5 pillars (belief on the oneness of Allah, 5 daily prayers, fasting in the month of Ramadan, Zakkat and Pilgrimage to Makkah) of Islam. Zakkat is an Arabic word for purity. By inference it means the giving of alms from one’s wealth to kin and or the needy in order to attain spiritual purity.
ABSTRACT
1. The phenomenon of leadership and good governance has assumed greater interest in Africa. With the return of democratic governance to Nigeria, the study of the relationship between leadership and good governance for national development has become an imperative. The study looks at the challenges and prospects associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria within the first decade of the Fourth Republic.
2. The study discovered that political leadership has been seriously constrained by corruption, electoral fraud, mismanagement of resources and poor infrastructural development. The study discovered the following challenges as hampering the institutionalization of good governance in Nigeria: delayed prosecution of corrupt officials and lack of grassroots development. Others are abuse of the electoral process, insecurity, negative orientation to governance and lack of patriotic politicians. The strategies proffered by the study to mitigate the challenges include; introduction of electronic voting system and proving of human and material security. Others are removal of immunity clause on political office holders and national re-orientation.
3. The field survey method and secondary analysis were used for the study. The field survey method was to obtain public perception on the subject matter using open ended questionnaires and unstructured interviews. The questionnaires were administered to respondents within the public and private sector as well as to students. The data obtained were analysed quantitatively and qualitatively to determine how leadership can be directed towards ensuring good governance in Nigeria for national development.
CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
The quest for quality leadership and good governance is the aspiration of citizens in most countries of the world. This is because the task of harnessing scarce resources in pursuit of human and national development is related to the quality and output of leadership (Richardson, 2008, P.3). The history of the development of great nations suggests that versatile leaders played a vital role in the transformation of their societies through good governance. Thus, the quality of citizens’ life and the overall development of a nation is a reflection of governance in the nation.
In United States of America (USA) for example, Abraham Lincoln stands out because of the courageous leadership he displayed during the 1861-1865 American Civil War (Norton, <http://home.att.net/rjnorton/Lincoln87.html>).This led to the preservation of the Union, vindication of democracy and abolition of slavery. These great feats were achieved by determination in pursuit of a more perfect and equal Union (Ibid, P.17). Lincoln eventually left a legacy being upheld in the USA till date as a good model of democracy and enduring governance.
Similarly, the unification of East and West Germany could be
credited to Otto Von Bismarck, one of the most significant political figures in German history. His efforts were fast-tracked by Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who ensured the enthronement of a federal system of government in a unified Federal Republic of Germany in 1990 (Germany, http://www.mongabay.com/reference/country-studies/germany/Government.html). This was considered cardinal to a stable constitutional democracy and good governance in the Country.
In China, Mao Tse-Tung set the stage that transformed China from a peasant economy to a major economic giant in the world. As a visionary leader, his primary goals were to catch up and surpass the rest of the world in economy, sports, science, technology and defence. Today, China is the fastest growing economy in the world with an average annual growth rate of about 9 percent in the last 2 decades (Chow and Li, 1952-2010).These accounts demonstrate that with visionary leadership and good governance, a nation could experience remarkable improvement and success in its overall development.
The continent of Africa has also produced visionary leaders who have contributed positively in the development of their countries. Nelson Mandela of South Africa holds sway as one of the greatest figures of black emancipation with his history of anti-apartheid struggle. Eventually, he was honored as the first democratically elected President of South Africa in 1994 (Mandela, 1994, Pp. 746-747).His exemplary leadership symbolizes the struggle of oppressed people around the world. He was able to steer South Africa towards sustainable development and good governance ideals, epitomized by smooth political transition.
In our country, issues of leadership and good governance have been of great concern since attainment of independence in 1960. Despite abundant human and natural resources, corruption and mismanagement of public wealth have hampered the pursuit of national development in the Country (http://www.nationencyclopedia.com/economies/Africa/Nigeria.overviewofteheconomy.htm.). Most Nigerian leaders are accused of lacking the requisite vision, passion and character for political leadership (Dike, 2009). The consequence is that despite Nigeria rich resource endowment, she has consistently ranked low in various international assessments on human development and good governance.
The United Nations Development Programme Human Development Index (UNDP-HDI) in its 2007/2008 report ranked Nigeria 158 out of 177 countries (New Partnership for Africa’s Development, 2008, P.67). Nigeria was also ranked 11 out of 16 in West Africa in the 2009 Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG) (Obi, http://www.businessday). It is estimated that about 70 percent of 150 million Nigerians live below poverty level of less than one US Dollar per day (Nnebe, 1999-2007 Vol.2, P).These low economic and development indices have been attributed to poor leadership and absence of good governance in Nigeria.
In this context, the leadership question’ vis-à-vis good governance has generated series of topical discussions at different policy and academic fora. This research is, therefore, motivated by the quest to address the question of leadership and its implication on good governance in Nigeria for national development. Thus, with a view to proffering measures that would strengthen leadership and ensure good governance in the country.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Since 1960, Nigeria has experienced persistent crisis associated with political leadership which has adversely affected the outcome of governance. Issues like problems of corruption, mismanagement of resources, coups and counter coups, etc have frustrated and diminished the process and outcome of governance. Consequently, many Nigerians lack access to basic health care, quality education, potable water, electricity and other basic necessities of modern life (Dike, 2009). Human and group rights are threatened resulting in the growing worry and loss of confidence by the citizenry in the Country’s political leadership.
Today, Nigeria lags behind in various indicators of good governance and global development trends (Ouagwu, 2002, P.99). This has equally affected the country’s external image among other nations. In view of the above problems, this research will address the following questions:
a. What is the relationship between leadership and good governance?
b. What are the effects of leadership on good governance in Nigeria since 1999?
c. What are the perceptions of political leadership since the return to democracy in 1999?
d. What are the issues associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria?
e. Has political leadership provided good governance for national development?
f. What are the prospects associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria towards national development?
g. What are the factors that affect the quality of leadership and good governance since independence?
h. What are the expectations on political leadership and good governance for national development?
i. What strategies can be adopted to ensure that leadership facilitates good governance for national development in Nigeria?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The objective of this study is to examine the effects of leadership on good governance in Nigeria for national development. Thus, with a view to identifying the issues, challenges, prospects, strategies etc associated with leadership and governance in Nigeria.
The specific objectives are to:
a. Establish the relationship between leadership and good governance.
b. Determine the effects of leadership on good governance in Nigeria since 1999.
c. Establish the perceptions of political leadership since the return to democracy in 1999.
d. Establish the issues associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria.
e. Whether political leadership provided good governance for national development.
f. Establish the prospects associated with leadership and good governance in Nigeria towards national development.
g. Establish the factors that affect the quality of leadership and good governance since independence.
h. Establish the expectations on political leadership and good governance for national development.
i. Proffer strategies that can be adopted to ensure leadership facilitates good governance for national development in Nigeria.
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
The study attempts to make the following assumptions:
a. There is a strong nexus between leadership style and good governance.
b. That democracy engenders good governance.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The importance of this study to Nigeria cannot be over-emphasized. It would be significant for policy and academic purposes. It would aid political elite and policy makers at federal, state and local government levels on issues affecting leadership and good governance in the country. The study would help in citizenship training of the Media, Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), students and indeed the entire Nigerian populace. It would be relevant to the academia as a useful reference material and a catalyst that would stimulate further studies on the subject.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The effects of political leadership on good governance for national development have permitted national discourse since independence especially between 1999 and 2010. The time frame was chosen to enable the researcher examine the effects of leadership on governance in Nigeria within democratic dispensation in the ongoing Fourth Republic. However, reference was made to some recent events on Nigeria’s political landscape that have bearing on the subject matter.
1.7 LIMITATIONS
This research work was impaired by some limitations. The key limitations were that some individual earmarked for interview could not be reached due to their tight schedules. Also, certain data could not be obtained from some offices due to official restrictions or lack of such data. However, available secondary data were utilized to ensure that the objectives of the research are realized. Although, the data used were from reputable sources, the authenticity of their findings might not be insulated from bias.
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The problem of federalism and the associated crises of national integration in Nigeria raise serious alarm. The situation attracts growing interest and concern. The crises are very severing such that they culminate in a strong force being mounted on the federation with tendency to disintegrate the country. The works addresses this phenomenon by investigating and analysing the problem. Documentary research method is used in gathering and analysing data. So textbooks, journals, periodical publications by related government agencies formed necessary source of our data while we employed system theory for pour analytical framework. The work identifies the method of revenue allocations as the major factor responsible for the crises of national integration in the Nigerian federalism. It concludes that in face in this problem, harmonious unification or integration cannot take place, political system cannot successfully adapt to both internal and external environment such that the survival of the system is difficult. The work recommends among others that federalism is the ultimate solution to the problems of national integration, so federal character and other related approaches should be effectively enforced. Again the current unjustifiable method of revenue allocation should be reformed to reflect justice, equity and fairness.
August 26 2013
ISIWELE, BLESSED. O
.9 Conceptual Definitions 17
Chapter Two: Revenue Allocation and the Problem of National Integration in Nigeria Federalism
In Nigerian Federalism: 20
Chapter Three: Federalism and the Problem of National Integration in Nigeria
Journals/ Articles Newspapers/ Magazines
TITLE PAGE
FEDERALISM AND NATIONAL INTERGRATION IN NIGERIA: ISSUES AND CHALLENGES
BY
ISIWELE BLESSED OSEKHUEME PS/2009/ 270
A RESEARCH PROJECT SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES
CARITAS UNIVERSITY, AMORJI-NIKE, ENUGU ENUGU STATE
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF BACHELOR OF SCIENCE (B.Sc.) IN POLITICAL SCIENCE
26th AUGUST 2013
The crises of national integration in Nigeria are very severing such that the Nigerian federation is at its collapsing point. The heterogeneous nature of the country combines with the improper mode of the country’s formation gave rise to antagonistic and integrative processes.
Nigeria as a country came into corporate existence in 1914, as a result of the fusion between the northern and southern protectorates by the British. National integration is the ultimate goal to be achieved in a multi ethnic country like Nigeria for there to be any reasonable development,.
According to Chime, [1971.50], national integration is a process of cohesion between two or more social units, whereby these units come together to constitute a political whole which include among other things the joining of various parts of society into a functioning whole, the growth of obedience and loyalty to its pars and the emergence of shared national values. It follows, that Nigeria would have received national unity where
obedience and loyalties to the Nigerian state, transcend loyalties to its parts. Thus conceptualization implies social equality of citizens.
Federation is a system of government adopted to enhance national integration in Nigeria; it is also a form of government that defines the relationship between component parts assumed to have the potential for integrating diverse cultural societies. The religions rather engage in ethnicity, political struggle by social classes, religious conflict etc, which culminate in the crises of national integration that reached climax during the period of the attempted succession and civil war.
Nigeria is essentially a plural society, its component groups are separated apart from each other by significant differences of language, ethnicity, and cultures of Nigeria created differences in attitude, outlook and character.
Faced with these problems, Nigeria adopted federalism as a means of achieving its much needed goal of national integration. In essence the federalism so adopted is expected to reduce the immensely aggressive inter ethnic competition and tension, allay the usually alleged fear of domination, bringing government nearer to the people and give the different groups more opportunities, thereby integrating the country.
Federation requires decentralization of power among the component units. It also requires that no component unit should be as large in size as to eliminate others. The case of Nigeria shows that power is concentrated in the central government. On the other parts, there exist structural imbalance between the northern, the east and west of Nigeria. This situation therefore by majority, political power is proportionately in favour of the north above other religions. The issue of revenue allocation in Nigeria is not without its own problems. As if all these problems are not enough for Nigeria federalism, the issue of on shore offshore dichotomy and equally the alarm raised about the marginalization from all religion in Nigeria are by setting the unity of the country.
We can summarily state the under following as our research questions.
The research is set out to among other things
It has become obvious that Nigeria cannot make any meaningful progress in the absence of unity. Some founding fathers of Nigeria adopted federalism as a pragmatic instrument for the achievement of the goal of national unity. The rationale was to see if there could be unity in diversity which means that there could be ways of bringing diverse ethnic groups into a modern nation. However, amidst all the efforts, the goals of national integration are not yet possible owing to the numerous problems inherent in Nigeria federalism.
It is therefore the task of this work to contribute in no little measure to the solution of the problem of national integration. Apart from thus, the work will equally add to the volumes of research materials available for further work on federalism and national integration in Nigeria.
Much work has been done on the subject matter federalism and its relation to national integration. Most of the scholarly works were unable to give a comprehensive analysis of Nigerian federalism and how it affects national integration. Though some of them made very relevant scholarly contributions to knowledge from which a number of conclusions can be drawn.
Federalism as has been adopted in Nigeria found its way into our political arena during the colonial era. The concept is closely related to the various social based on coordinative, rather than sub coordinative relationship. It emphasises partnership among parties of equal claims to legitimacy who seek a common social order.
Jinadu says that it is usually built as a form of government and constitutional structure deliberately designed by political architects to cope with the different task of maintaining unity, while preserving diversity, Jinadu, [1979:15].
Speaking about Nigeria federalism two schools of thought emerged on its evaluation. The first school comprising of the nationalist believed that British imposed federalism on Nigeria in order to maintain the neo colonial control of the country after the lowering of the mantle. Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a convinced federalist described the British imposed federal structure as an abominable destructive and divisive British heritage, Awolowo, [1968:69]. They also believed that the colonial power made sure that there was enough structured imperfection left behind to bedevil inter ethnic relations after independence. However, this view of imposition held by this school is not exactly objective as Nigerians involved gave consent for her to become a federal state.
The second school of thought is of the opinion that historical and geographical factors determine the political evolution of Nigerian federalism. Nigeria being a large and culturally variegated country could not have been governed for a long time from one centre Akinyemi, [1979:91]. This view is not quite correct, as it is time that factors of history and
geography more than anything else determines the constitutional evolution of Nigeria.
Ethnicity is one concept that cannot be over looked in the discussion of the structure of Nigerian federalism and national integration as a whole. It has been defined as the social phenomenon associated with interaction among members of different ethnic groups refer to social formation distinguished by the communal character of the boundaries of which their common factors may be language, culture or both, Nnoli, (1973:58). Nigeria is one country that comprised various ethnic groups with physical or different backgrounds, ancestry and tradition. Nnoli goes further to mention some characteristics that distinguish one from ethnocentrism which simply connotes pride in ones group, a hampering that makes the members of the group inward looking.
According to him, ethnicity exists in a political society consisting of diverse ethnic groups. It is also characterized by a common consciousness of being one in relation to the other groups. Impulsiveness can be sighted as an
attribute of ethnicity which says, is normally accompanied by nepotism and corruption. Conflict is also seen as important aspect of ethnicity.
As he says, it is inevitable under conditions of inter ethnic competitions for scarce valuable resources particularly in a society where inequality is accepted as natural and wealth is greatly exchanged.
Several efforts have been made to adjust these social abnormalities and as Ibrahim Babangida said from anthropological and sociological viewpoint, Nigeria is a complex country, therefore nation building in Nigeria context must be of necessity because it is a complex and expensive enterprise.
Eleigwa, (1995:5), Nnoli 1978, also believed that the recovery of Nigeria will not be an easy task. He says adequate solution to the ethnic problems of Nigeria must stern logically from rigorous scientific analyses of the causes of the emergence and persistence and growth of ethnicity in the country. Ojukwu in his lecture, towards a greater Nigeria, said that national integration cannot be achieved by giving setaceous speeches; rather
appropriate steps will include de emphasising tribe and ethnic origin in all official documents that no Nigeria should offer instability whatsoever.
However Ema Awa, [1976] has noted that federalism involves corporation between the two levels of government and such cooperation increased in scope and quantity as the federation matures. Bargaining also assumes more important as the federation becomes more highly developed. As he further explained, there are always some conflicts in the relation between the regions and federal government and among the regions and themselves.
After going through the available literatures on federalism it was observed that the writers made relevant contributions, they did not give a comprehensive analysis of the problem of Nigeria federalism as they affect national integration. Sequel to this, in exploring the meaning of federalism, the issue of national integration must inevitably arise. In line with this, it became germane to review the contributions made by some scholars on national integration.
Duuelger defines national integration as building up solidarity and breaking down antagonism among the people in a political system. It refers specifically to the creation of a sense of territorial rationality which overshadows parochial loyalties.
Chime sees national integration as a process of cohesion between two or more social units whereby those units come together to constitute a political whole, which can in some cases be described as community.
Ali Mazrui in his book cultural Engineering and nation building in East Africa 1902, sees national integration as the process of merging sub going entities into a shared sense of national consciousness.
In the same vein De Uree also defines integration as the combination and autonomous social and political problems arising among its members, for controlling their behaviour and the processes occurring among them, for keeping peace among them and or mobilizing their power or resources for making collection decision and as a result of all things, acting as a new unit with respect to its social or physical environment. Prior to these definitions,
integration will be conceived as the process of increasing a social or political system capacity based on decision making process.
National integration is relation to national development. It usually constitutes a platform for national development. Development can only be achieved in an atmosphere of cooperation and unity.
Where everybody feel a sense of belonging and wants to contribute his own quota to the development of national goal.
According to O. Aboyade in his book, issues in the development of tropical Africa (1976:16), he observed that development is essentially a continuous process of generating and more efficiently allocating resources for achieving greater social satisfying ends. While political development relates to the overall capacity of a people to govern them efficiently, this ability to govern relates to the capacity to extract resources, make and regulate behaviours. It also means the ability to resolve societal problems and manage conflicts.
If the society is able to do all these things mentioned, it will certainly lead to economic development for that nation.
Conclusively, after going through the available literatures on federalism and national integration, it was observed that some of them were able to explain to an extent the feasibility of achieving national integration. However in this study, we shall attempt to explore the suitability and adaptability of federalism to the excruciating task of building a coherent nation out of desperate and antagonistic people in Nigeria.
Theoretical framework is indeed very useful in a research work in the sense that it enhances its internal activity. With this in mind, there are lot of theories used in the field of political science for research analysis; however, we will adopt the system theory by David Easton.
This theory is seen by scholars among who is Ifesinachi as a set of related elements and interrelations among them, which are disintegrated
from those elements not in the system by ambiguous analytic boundaries. The theory explains the component of the system made up of groups, persons or areas where the frequency of a particular pattern of interaction falls to an observable degree. Interdependence is the uniting force in the system; this is because stability and subsequently growth can only be achieved when all the components of a system work together.
As a way of using the system theory by David Easton to analyse this work, Easton, [2002], defines a political system as that system of interacting in any society through which binding or authoritative allocations are made and implemented.’[Easton in Okere 2002:98] this implies that an organization interacting with an environment, influencing it and being influenced by it and there also many interacting internal parts which constitutes parts of the arranging that the society employs in formulating and pursuing its collective goods [Almond and Powell 1980:4].
The three vital components of Easton definitions of political system constitute authoritative allocation, values and society.
At this point, it becomes necessary to make a brief application of this theory to the Nigerian political scene, before and after independence. The theory would be employed in this study because in Nigeria, like any other third world federative system, the power to allocate the resources available in the country is essentially concentrated at the central government, [federal level] that is the hierarchy of authority [federal level, state and local government], with the central government sitting on top of other levels in the allocation of revenues. This is basically due to the prolonged military rule in the country, and this has been one of the banes. For the country to experience genuine unity and subsequently development, all the groups and cleavages have to come together since no part of the system can function effectively and maximally without depending on the other components.
It is necessary to formulate some guiding hypotheses. The hypotheses thus raised are.
In this study we adopted the use of secondary source of data as the main method. This is justified due to its intrinsic values. For any research to be meaningful, reliable and scientific fact and ideas must be supplemented with empiricism.
Secondary materials like textbooks, research papers, government publications, newspapers, magazines etc will be seriously put into use.
The basic problems which were encountered during this study were the scarcity and inaccessibility of materials. However the study was successfully done because of the extra efforts made to get more resources and procure the materials for analyses.
In this study, some key concept will be used. Some of these concepts include national integration and federalism.
National integration involves the existence of national consciousness, which is the feeling of individual or group identity within the nation state as the only political unit through which their collective interest can be realized.
National integration therefore involves patriotism which a call for supreme scarifies on the part of the entire citizenry for the whole country if the need arises.
Federalism means an arrangement whereby powers within a multinational country are shared between a federal or central authority and a number of regionalized governments in such a way that each unit, including this central authority exist as a government separately and independently from the others.
Division of power among the levels of government by the constitution is explicit. The centre and the component unit [regions, states] have defined spheres of authority, powers and shared among the levels of government which are coordinates. Powers shared among the various levels could be categorized as exclusive list, concurrent list and residual list.
Subjects on this list are reserved for the centre [federal government] examples here are, defence, internal affairs, national currency, immigration, maritime activities, aviation, etc.
Subjects here are to be exercised both by the federal and the state. Example includes agriculture, health, commerce, education, works etc.
This comprises functions to be exercised by the state/ unit government alone, example includes chieftaincy title etc.
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THE EFFECTS OF CORRUPT PRACTICES IN NIGERIA. A CASE STUDY OF KEFFI LGA
CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background of the study
We must now accept the reality that the survival, or at least the stability, of Nigeria is linked to the survival of her democracy – democracy not only in its narrow legalistic sense of notional compliance with the letter of the law but also in its fuller legitimate demands of articulation of popular will through participation and partnership of the people in governance. Such partnership, if genuine and wholesome, invariably yields policies and projects that satisfy the basic needs – political, psychological, economic and social – of the people. It is the view of this writer that the local government system is and should be the founding blocks of an enduring democracy.
It is therefore the purpose of this brief piece to examine the contribution of our present local government system to the health of our democracy. Does our present local government system hinder or help the growth of our democracy? We intend in this brief, very brief, general survey to look at three aspects – namely: the adequacy of the structure that provides the procedural vehicle to our democracy at the local government level, the performance of our democracy at this tier, and the prospects of achieving the intendments of the constitution and the numerous reforms which inspired the relevant laws.
The framework, designed by the reforms and the constitution, is a perfect transplant from the national model. This is the Presidential system which, it is believed, serves the needs of our plural society and efficient delivery of democracy. All the paraphernalia accompanying division of the three realms of government have been designed and installed – the executive armed with power and independence to implement duly formulated policies, the legislature of councilors headed by a leader and equipped with independence to fulfill the role of a parliament, and an independent judiciary outside the jurisdiction of the local government and operating as a part of the state and national grill. Bureaucracy is headed by a secretary to the local government.
The motives behind this design flow from lessons from years of experimentation and engineering. Of all the motives, primarily economic development, planting democracy at the grassroots is a consistent theme. Efforts from 1970 to 1979 focused on freeing local administration from anti-democratic hurdles and pulling their resources into a uniform national pattern of administration. Later, the reforms of the Babangida era took the efforts to the logic of their democratic goals. The local government system was re-designed to be more independent than hitherto from state and federal tiers, in jurisdiction and funding, and explicitly charged with the duty of unlocking new social forces which could be materials for leadership in higher tiers. In other words, the local government system has become the incubator for state and national leadership materials. 1999 Constitution accepted local government level the third tier of governance.
Such is the organizational framework. On the surface, it ought to offer a near-perfect vehicle for the expression of popular will. The assembly of elected councilors is the mouthpiece of the grassroots while an elected Chairman is the spearhead of implementation action on collectively endorsed policies. Judiciary remains the arbiter in cases of dispute.
1.2 Statement of the problem
But in operationalization of this elegant design, to what extent have people participated in the business of election of their representatives and rulers? To what extent have the people been partners in the exercise of governing? To what extent have the people harvested the fruits of democratic governance?
In the business of election of representatives – government BY the people – the most casual observations suggest that the people, the electorate, make no input in local government election. Recruitment of representatives follows a general pattern nationwide: selection of favourites by a godfather/godmother or a little conclave which exercises proprietary control over a ruling party; next, the executive governor which exercises proprietary control over the government machinery (including state electoral regulatory body) gives his final anointing. All this is done through an ostensibly due process that pays loud appropriate tributes to the beauty of democratic choice.
The fallacy of local government election in the states is clearly demonstrated by the fact that a state government or ruling party wins, as a rule, all the contested seats in local government elections within the state. In rare cases of generosity, the incumbent authorities allocate, as a credibility ploy, one or two seats to the opposition. Loss of seats, not to think of total defeat, by an incumbent state regime in its own local government elections is unheard-of in this dispensation. If this were to happen, the result would be condemned as a wreckless and lunatic act of suicide by a serving regime! If results of local government elections are measures of the popular rating of state governments, then all incumbent state regimes enjoy 100% support of their home constituencies. This would be absurd in a free market of democratic choices. Popular leaders like Obama would be green with envy when he reads our local government results!! Compare this high rating with the dramatically opposite results if baton of rulership changes hands: when political power is wrestled from the incumbent state government in an election conducted and controlled by a higher authority, the new state regime succeeding the popular cabal of only yesterday re-enacts the magic of sweeping the polls in all subsequent local government elections!
In all this charade, the people are by-standers or at best cheer crowds.
1.3 Objectives of the study
1. To understand the nature of corruption in Nigeria
2. To understand the level of corrupt practices in Nigerian local government system
3. To understand the causes and effects of corruption in the Nigerian local government system
4. To come up with solutions and recommendations
1.4 Research Questions
1. What is the nature of corruption in Nigeria
2. What is the level of corrupt practices in Nigerian local government system
3. What are the causes and effects of corruption in the Nigerian local government system
4. What are the solutions and recommendations
1.5 Research Hypothesis
H0: There is a relationship between corrupt practices in local government system in Nigeria
H1: There is no relationship between corrupt practices in local government system in Nigeria
1.6 Limitations of the study
There was limited time and finance during the research period
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