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STRUCTURAL DETAILING OF TWO STOREY BUILDING
ABSTRACT
The whole information conveyed in this book has been planned and written for proper understanding of structural detailing of a building.
The approach in this book is to provide the readers sound and basic knowledge in structural detailing in a building. Consequently, I have given more details than is normally given in a book concerning detailing of structural members, which include slabs, beam, stairway and column.
This book will also provide some bases as a prerequisite in detailing worth of a small residential building.
All the works t o be carried out, as regard to this field are mostly, the work of a structural engineer throughout the end of the project.
STRUCTURAL SYMBOLS AND NOTATION
The abbreviation recommended for structural detailing works are as follow:
a.
R.C. = Reinforced concerts
Drg = Drawing
Hor = Horizontal
Vert = Vertical
Pia = Diameter
Fdn = Foundation
Conc = Concrete
C.B = Column Base
b. TYPES OF REINFORCEMENT
R = Mild steel
T or Y = High yield steel
b. COMMENTS RELATING TO REINFORCEMENT
C = Centre line
B = Bottom
T = Top
C/c = Centre to centre
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTERS
CHAPTER ONE: Introduction
CHAPTER TWO: Detailing Process
CHAPTER THREE: Design Condition and Summary
CHAPTER FOUR: Reinforced Concrete
CHAPTER FIVE: Engineering Design Specifications
CHAPTER SIX: Detailing of the Elements
Foundation
Column
Beam
Staircase
CHAPTER SEVEN: Bibliography
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
In other to provide information to contractors in a construction industry for works to be carried out on sites, drawings are produce, which serves as means of communication are used by designers in every engineering specters.
For those reason, the works are mostly work of a structural engineer to design a construction of structure for sheltering to be completed, such as road, bridges, railways, dams, buildings and other relevant construction work. Sketches of these works are prepared by free hand, then these sketches are put together into a clear and well presented working drawing used by the builders and contractors for implementation after taken of the particular drawing to the specified authorities for approval.
All detailing works developed by the structural engineer (the detailer) serves as a good prerequisite of standing the risk of sudden collapse of building or structural failure of a building members. It also helps to avoid unnecessary delay of works which may come up doubt, and frequent clarification.
The methods ad techniques involved for detailing reinforced concrete structures are shown in this project.
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CIVIL – MILITARY RELATIONS IN NIGERIA
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
The complexities associated with modern battlefields have influenced the crafting of strategy towards employment of technological products for reasons of lethality and operational fluidity. Also, humanitarian considerations have become essential, leading to the adoption of the Manoeuvrist Approach to Warfare (MAW) in place of the Attritionists’ Approach to Warfare that demonized the profession through the last centuries. Without prejudice to humanitarian concerns associated with the MAW, in populated areas remain pronounced, thereby necessitating military engagement in relieving affected civilian populations.
The importance of good relation between the military and civil populace cannot be over-emphasised (NATO Civil-Military Co-operation, 2001:1-1). A number of internal security operations that the Nigerian Armed Forces is currently conducting in the Niger Delta and other parts of the country calls for a co-ordinated approach to the integration of the civilian dimension into operational plans. This is to avoid misinterpretation, misrepresentation of the intentions and actions of the military. This is important to ensure that internal security (IS) operations do not undermine National Security. It is in this light that this study seeks to answer the following questions:
i. What is the relationship between CMR and National Security?
ii. What are the effects of CMR on National Security challenges?
iii. Could CMR be partly panacea to attainment of National Security?
iv. What policies and strategies are required to guide CMR toward enhancing National Security?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
i. To establish a relationship between CMR and National Security.
ii. To highlight the effects of CMR on National Security challenges.
iii. To establish that CMR if accorded its deserved priority could be the solution to many National Security challenges.
iv. To proffer strategies for CMR as a factor towards solving Nigeria’s security challenges.
There is a conventional notion that a country is most secured when its security apparatus are potent. This has resulted into nation states placing much premium on the concept of national security often at the detriment of the citizens. This study therefore, seeks to establish the imperatives of mutual relationship between military and the civil populace towards solving Nigeria’s Security challenges.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This study would contribute towards enhancing alternative ways of handling security challenges in Nigeria. Its findings would assist the Nigerian State in formulating policies that would entrench great bond between the military and civilians in attempt to efficiently handle the nation’s security challenges.
The concept of national security has permeated in global discourse since the end of Cold War while CMR is a concept that is just coming on board in Nigeria. In the course of this study, the period spanning from 1999 till date shall be covered and only relevant literatures on this concept will be referred to.
1.7 LIMITATIONS
This research work is impaired by some limitations. The key limitations were of secondary data to analyse the concept of CMR and national security of other developed nations. Although, the data used were from reputable international sources, the authenticity of their findings might not be insulated from bias. The concepts of CMR and national security challenges are intangible. Hence, the empirical testing of both concepts was relatively impossible. However, this did not affect the quality of research carried out and the outcomes of the findings.
1.8 METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS
The data used in this study were largely collected from secondary sources. This include data on some selected countries concepts of CMR irrespective of the names it is called. Additionally, data were obtained from research of relevant literatures and publications. These formed the basis for the comparison of the variables. Furthermore, it aided the study in assessment of the performance of Nigeria in human security when compared to selected countries. This study employed both descriptive and inferential statistics for the analysis of data.
The descriptive statistical tools that were used were tally method, frequency table, percentages, pie charts and bar charts. The tally method was used to allocate tally marks to responses to each answer options. These were then summed up and frequency tables were drawn for each relevant question indicating the available options and the respective frequency of response. The percentage technique was also used to analyze the figures obtained from the frequency tables and pie charts as well bar charts were used to provide a vivid representation of the outcome.
1.9 CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION
There have been various schools of thought worldwide on what constitutes CMR. Various postulations became necessary as the subject helps build cordial relationship between military and civilians toward achieving nations’ security collaborations and attainments. CMR found its relevance in Nigeria considering the unhealthy unprecedented security challenges facing the country. It further found its relevance as a palliative measure toward solving ethno/religious insurgences and agitations which have taken a front burner in Nigeria society. It is evident that there is a direct relationship between CMR and Nigeria National Security situation. Hence, the need to adopt CMR in totality in Nigeria.
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ARMED FORCES IN PEACE SUPPORT OPERATIONS: CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR NIGERIAN ARMY PERSONNEL
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGES (S)
Title Page – – – – – – – – – i
Certification- – – – – – – – – ii
Dedication – – – – – – – – – iii
Acknowledgement – – – – – – – iv
Table of Contents – – – – – – – vii
List of Tables – – – – – – – – x
List of Figures – – – – – – – – xi
List of Abbreviation – – – – – – – xii
Abstract – – – – – – – – – xiv
Glossary of Terms – – – – – – – xv
CHAPTER ONE: Introduction
1.1 Background to the Study – – – – 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem – – – – 4
1.3 Objectives of the Study – – – – – – 5
1.4 Research Assumptions – – – – – – 5
1.5 Significance of the Study – – – – – 5
1.6 Scope of the Study – – – – – – 6
1.7 Limitations of the Study – – – – – 7
CHAPTER TWO: Literature Review
2.1 Introduction – – – – – – – 8
2.2 Concept of Peace Support Operations – – – 8
2.3 Spectrum of Peace Support Operations – – – 10
2.4 Military Capacity in Peace Support Operations – 16
2.5 Principles of Peace Support Operations – – – – 17
2.6 Summary – – – – – – – – 19
CHAPTER THREE: Research Methodology
3.1 Introduction – – – – – – – 21
3.2 Research Design – – – – – – – 21
3.3 Identifying the Variables – – – – – 22
3.3 Area of Study – – – – – – – 22
3.4 Population – – – – – – – – 22
3.5 Instruments of Data Collection – – – 23
3.6 Validations of Instruments – – – – – 23
3.7 Methods of Data Collection and Analysis – – – – 24
3.8 Weakness of the Methodology – – – – 24
3.9 Summary – – – – – – – – – 25
CHAPTER FOUR: Data Presentation Analysis and Findings
4.1 Introduction – – – – – – – 26
4.2 Data Presentation – – – – – 27
4.3 Analysis/Interpretation of Data – – – – 34
4.4 Relationship between the Nigerian Army and Peace
Support Operations – – – – – 41
4.5 Prospects of Nigerian Army Personnel in Peace Support
Operations – – – – – – – 43
4.6 Prospects of Nigerian Army Personnel in Peace Support
Operations at Global level – – – – 44
4.7 The Way Forward for Nigerian Army in Peace Support
Operations – – – – – – – 46
4.8 Summary – – – – – – – 50
CHAPTER FIVE: Conclusion and Recommendations
5.1 Conclusion – – – – – – – – 21
5.2 Recommendations – – – – – 53
References – – – – – – – – 54
Appendix
LIST OF TABLES
| Serial | Titles of Tables | Page No (s) |
| 1. 2. 3. 4. | Distribution of Respondent by location of personnel. Distribution of Respondents by categories. Respondents Responses on the challenges to Nigerian Army Personnel in Peace Support Operations. Response to IS there a Relationship between the Nigerian Army and Peace Support Operations. | 27 28 30 32 |
LIST OF FIGURES
| Serial | Titles of Figures | Page No (s) |
| 1. 2. 3. 4. | Pie Chart showing Distribution of Respondents by location of personnel. Bar Chart showing the Distribution of Respondents by categories. Bar Chart showing Respondents responses on the challenges to Nigerian Army Personnel in Peace Support Operations. Bar Chart showing response to IS there a relationship between Nigerian Army and Peace Support Operations. | 27 29 31 33 |
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
PSO – Peace Support Operations.
IPA – International Peace Academy.
UN – United Nations.
NA – Nigerian Army.
OAU – Organisation of African Unity.
ECOMOG – ECOWAS Monitoring Group.
UNAMID – United Nation Assistance Mission in Darfur.
ONUC – United Nation Operations in Congo.
UNIFIL – United Nation Interim Force in Lebanon.
DIA – Defence Intelligence Agency.
SSS – State Security Service.
AFM – Army Field Manual.
ECOWAS – Economic Community of West African States.
PKO – Peace Keeping Operations.
AHQ – Army Headquarters.
DHQ – Defence Headquarters.
AFCSC – Armed Forces Command and Staff College.
ICC – Infantry Corp and Centre.
NASI – Nigerian Army School of Infantry.
HQ 1 DIV – Headquarters 1 Division.
NAPKC – Nigerian Army Peace Keeping Centre.
AU – African Union.
UNAMSIL – United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone.
DPKO – Department of Peacekeeping Operations.
TCC – Troops of Peacekeeping Operations.
UNIIMOG – United Nations Iran-Iraq Monitoring Group.
UNIKOM – United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission.
UNAVEM – United Nations Angola Verification Mission.
UNPROFOR- United Nations Protection Force.
UNOSOM – United Nations Mission in Somalia.
UNSC – United Nations Security Council.
OOTW – Operations Other than War.
NIBATT – Nigeria Battalion.
ABSTRACT
This study was carried out to examine the challenges and prospects of the Nigeria Army (NA) Personnel in Peace Support Operation (PSO). Nigeria being a member of United Nations (UN) has been involved in conflict resolution in the sub-region, region and global arena. Hence the NA has participated in many peacekeeping and PSOs since independence in 1960. Despite her contributions and acknowledgement by the international community, her participation has been fraught with problems especially in the areas of manpower, training and logistics. The study therefore, examined the causes of these inadequacies in order to recommend the best way to make PSOs more effective in the NA. The main objectives of the study is therefore, to identify what constitutes PSOs, examine the NA in PSOs, identify the challenges affecting the NA personnel in PSO, and also examine the prospects for the NA participation in future PSOs. The study relied on both primary and secondary sources of data. Primary data were collected and analysed through questionnaire. Secondary data were sourced from published and unpublished materials such as books and relevant papers presented at various fora. The study adopted both the descriptive and analytical methods of conducting research. The study adopted both qualitative and analytical methods of data analysis. It identified specific problems which included; inadequate manpower, training and logistics. Others are inadequate information management, language barrier and poor funding. The research found out that the conduct of PSOs has not been effective due to lack of inadequate logistics, training and doctrine. The study suggested way forward for NA personnel effective participation in future PSOs to include, education, training and computerization. It was recommended that Nigeria should continue to play the leading role of maintaining peace and security in West African sub-region, Africa and the world. Nigerian Government should provide adequate funds for the NA for procurement and maintenance of equipment and personnel. Lastly the DHQ should establish mission radio stations to enhance conduct of information warfare.
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Peace Support Operations PSO is the use of multinational military, police and civilian personnel for prevention, containment and termination of crisis which the UN and other international organizations feel might threaten international peace and security.
Peace Making The art of settling disputes or conflicts through mediation arbitration and reconciliation.
Peace Enforcement The use of force against one or more parties to a conflict in a war situation by a multinational force. It embraces conflict suppression.
Peace Building A positive, continuous cooperative human endeavour to build bridges between conflicting nations and groups.
Peace Keeping The prevention, containment, moderation, and termination of hostilities, through the medium of peaceful third party intervention organized and directed internationally using multinational forces of soldiers and civilians to restore and maintain order.
Preventive Action Actions taken to prevent existing disputes from escalating into conflict and to limit the spread of the latter when they occur.
Military All organized groups, regular and irregular, national and tribal, that use violence for political and social ends.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
The challenges to establish and maintain law, order, peace and security have preoccupied humanity since political communities emerged on the surface of earth. (Stedman, 1991). These have been occasioned by the manifestation of conflict as part of the feature of human relations. (Stedman, 1991).
The need for peace and security has been addressed with the creation of the state as a political community. The state has carried out this task through government and its institutions to keep in check the prosperity of man to express whatever disagreement there is through violence. This is done for the most part, through the restraining power of the law and sometimes through the use of force (Stedman, 1991).
At the level of relations among state where the same need for peace and security which has challenged them internally is found, the approach has been different State have had to employ common mechanism to deal with the problem of conflict. A most enduring framework is that of collective security which is expressed through Peace Supports Operation (PSO), (United Nations, 50 years of United Nations: Notes for Speakers (New York United Nations, 1995).
Dramatic events of the 1990s and the subsequent collapse of the Warsaw Pact heralded profound changes in the international security arena. With the collapse of Soviet Union, many nations’ armed forces have had to shift their institutional emphasis from fighting to maintaining stability and to prevent fighting. With it also comes the need for leaders and soldiers to participate extensively in operation designed to deter wars, resolve conflicts, promote peace and support civil authorities in respond to crisis (Azazi, 2009). Nigeria as a member of United Nations (UN) has been one of the leading countries that participated in PSOs in the world at large and Africa continent in particular. This is in attainment of one of her foreign policy objectives (United Nations, 1995).
The Nigerian Army (NA) has participated in UN peacekeeping missions where it was the third largest troop contributor after Bangladesh and India. Due to its adherence to and contributions for UN peace mission, Nigeria was voted into the UN security council (www.challengeforum.vet).
The election of Nigeria to African Union Peace and Security Council and her being made its first chairman in 2004, is a confirmation of her accomplishments and leadership roles. This is a confirmation of her achievement due to her involvement in all conflict resolution processes since the days of Organisations of African Union (OAU) (Akinrinade 2004).
NA personnel have operated with distinction in Africa within the framework of ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), a fact that is well known and accepted not only in the sub-region but in Africa and the world at large (Vogt, 1993). The Ivorian experience contrasts with those of Liberia and Sierra-Leone where Nigerian troops led peace operations which were very effective in restoring security and stability to the 2 countries.
Despite the above brilliant contributions of the NA to PSOs and its acknowledgement by the international community, its participation has been faced with a lot of problems especially in the area of manpower, training, and logistic. For its contributions to PSOs to be more effective, these problems need to be addressed.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
It is an established fact that Nigerian Armed forces has been in the fore front of preventing and resolving conflicts. This is done through PSOs globally, regionally and sub-regional since Nigeria’s independence in 1960.
Experience from ECOMOG operations in Liberia and Sierra –Leone as well as the United Nation Assistance Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) and reports of other operations like United Nations Operations in Congo (ONUC) and United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), it is evident that the problems of manpower, training and logistics are the major bane confronting NA personnel in PSOs.
Based on the foregoing, this study shall seek to proffer answers to the following:
a. What is the relationship between PSO and the NA?
b. What are the challenges encountered by the NA personnel in PSOs?
c. What are the prospects of NA personnel in PSOs?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The main objective of this study is to assess the problems and prospects of the NA personnel in PSOs by seeking to:
a. Examine the relationship between PSO and the NA.
b. Ascertain the challenges of NA personnel in PSOs.
c. Examine the prospects of NA personnel in PSOs.
1.4 RESEARCH ASSUMPTION
There has been a conventional notion that Nigeria’s participation in PSOs has given her political and economic hegemony in West Africa sub-region and Africa at large.
Despite logistics and manpower problems faced by the NA personnel in PSOs, it has been able to restore, stabilize and maintain peace globally, regionally and sub-regional through her involvement in PSOs.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This study will attempt to come up with a comprehensive analysis of NA in PSOs. It would help to further contribute to the existing knowledge on NA in PSOs. Its findings would assist policy makers at the defence and services headquarters, security organisations such as Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) and State Security Service (SSS) in building their intelligence database. It will assist the National Assembly in the formulation of national security policy.
The study will serve as a veritable material for students and researchers who may want to carry out further research on the challenges and prospects of NA personnel in PSOs.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The participation of the NA in PSOs in Africa has helped to ensure peace among nations within the continent. This research work shall reflect other scholarly work on the prospects and challenges of NA personnel in PSOs. It shall take into cognisance the role of NA personnel in PSOs from 1990 to date as it relates to the security of Africa. This work shall use primary and secondary sources of materials.
1.7 LIMITATION OF THE STUDY
This research work will be hindered by some limitations. The key ones will be the use of secondary data to analyse the concept of PSO. Although the data to be used will be derived from reputable individuals and organisations, the authenticity of their findings might not be insulated from bias.
The concept of PSO is intangible. Hence, the empirical testing of the concepts may be relatively impossible. However this shall not affect the quality of research carried out and the outcomes of the findings.
HOW TO RECEIVE PROJECT MATERIAL(S)
After paying the appropriate amount (#5,000) into our bank Account below, send the following information to
08068231953 or 08168759420
(1) Your project topics
(2) Email Address
(3) Payment Name
(4) Teller Number
We will send your material(s) after we receive bank alert
BANK ACCOUNTS
Account Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account Number: 0046579864
Bank: GTBank.
OR
Account Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account Number: 3139283609
Bank: FIRST BANK
FOR MORE INFORMATION, CALL:
08068231953 or 08168759420
BEFORE YOU READ THE ABSTRACT OR CHAPTER ONE OF THE PROJECT TOPIC BELOW, PLEASE READ THE INFORMATION BELOW.THANK YOU!
INFORMATION:
YOU CAN GET THE COMPLETE PROJECT OF THE TOPIC BELOW. THE FULL PROJECT COSTS N5,000 ONLY. THE FULL INFORMATION ON HOW TO PAY AND GET THE COMPLETE PROJECT IS AT THE BOTTOM OF THIS PAGE. OR YOU CAN CALL: 08068231953, 08168759420
WHATSAPP US ON 08137701720
AFRICAN UNION MECHANISMS FOR CRISIS MANAGEMENT: ISSUES AND PROSPECTS
ABSTRACT
Africa is plagued by conflicts, most of which are intra-state in nature. Thus, the regional organisation – the AU had its hands full of crises requiring resolution. The AU as an organization came into being in 2004, having transformed from the OAU. These conflicts which have occurred mostly in sub-Saharan Africa have been protracted; thus calling to question the effectiveness of the AU mechanisms for crisis management. This study was therefore set out with the purpose of examining the AU mechanisms for crisis management. It specifically identified the challenges confronting the AU mechanisms for crisis management in Africa and suggested prospects in enhancing the mechanisms for managing crisis. A combination of questionnaires and unstructured interviews of relevant personalities in the area of the research were conducted and administered. These interviews, coupled with studies of other relevant literature in the field of study revealed that there were obvious signs of determination by the AU to improve its capability in crisis management. This is evident in the provisions of the AU Constitutive Act and the PSC which serves as the main mechanism for crisis management. The PSC is assisted by the NEPAD initiative, ASF, Panel of the Wise and CEWS in this vein. It was established in the study that the AU mechanisms was however still hampered by the lack of political will, lack of logistics, financial sustainability and external influence. Other challenges are mistrust among African leaders and lack of well trained and motivated national militaries in some African States. The study recommended that, for an effective mechanism for crisis management to work, the AU should increase the budget for the PSC as well as further levying of member states in order to make up for deficiency in funding crisis management. It was also recommended that the AU develops a political will in managing crisis in the African continent.
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Fifty years ago, after the demise of colonialism, Africa was expected to grow faster than Asia. Much hope was pinned on the continent as a result of the inherent potentials. Expectations were rife that the dawn of the 21st century would usher Africa into its age of growth, progress, and new lease on life for its people along with the rest of the world; in consequent to the age of tremendous progress in every facet of human life, as evident in technological advancements, the volume of international trade and commerce, global travel and communications, increased opportunities for vast populations in the world as ushered by the end of the Cold War (Olowu, 2004:1). In recognition of this, African leaders met to kick-start the developmental cause and formed Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. The African super-national organisation later metamorphosed to African Union (AU) in July 2002 following the adoption of 53 African leaders (i.e. all African nations except Morocco) on the ground that the former had been marked by a largely unsatisfactory record. The newly formed AU was modelled after the European archetype (Klingebiel, 2005:2), the European Union, with a more promising prospect of transforming Africa to a more developed continent that can rival with other developed continent most especially the arch rival Asia that is developing day in-day out.
Yet, over the past decades, we have witnessed economic growth and increasing wealth across Asia to the extent that countries such as Japan, China, South Korea, Taiwan, India, Singapore, and Malaysia transformed in a jiffy. Thus, pave way to the birth of a new epithet “Asian Tigers”, while much of Sub-Saharan Africa has suffered from relative economic stagnation and poor development characterised by our diversity and historical trajectories. The questions thus arise: When should we expect to hear the emergence of our own epithetical adjective of African Lions? Why does economic development not translate into human development and reduction of poverty? Is the current African growth- as espouse in this paper- sustainable? These among others are the fundamental questions needed to be answered. Despite the endowed rich diverse renewable and non-renewable natural resources, Africans remain ‘poor’. This led to the unmistakable consensus among scholars, intergovernmental organizations and international institutions that Africa had become a matter of emergency that demanded urgent attention, if the Afro-pessimists’ argument that ‘Africa cannot claim its place in the 21st century’ should be discountenance. According to Glantz (1991), pinning the obstacle to African development to one factor would probably be erroneous but the problems hindering the continent’s developmental efforts can be categorised under: Coups, Corruption, Conflict and Climate. On a general note, Africa’s underdevelopment is said to be a product of the interplay of external and domestic factors including slavery and colonialism, economic mismanagement, illconceived structural adjustment policies, inter-state and intra-state conflicts, failed regionalism, unfair trade terms, foreign debt, aid dependence, poor governance, weak states, and institutional decay (Mills and Jean-Pierre, 2011: 97). Thomson (2000:7) earlier argued that the external and domestic factors are also consequence of the legacies of history impacting on the present. He argued that there are lines of continuity that run from the pre-colonial period, through the colonial era, right into the modern age. Be it as it may, the developmental challenges facing the continent include but not limited to: Possible spread of Arab Spring uprisings to Sub-Sahara Africa, diversification and integration into the global economy, income inequalities, hunger and poverty, restricted movement of people, goods and services, troika of African institutions, contingency plan for malaise in the West (Akukwe, 2012), systemic corruption, dearth of infrastructural facilities, leadership and followership problems, increasingly complex neoliberal globalization, changes in intercultural relations at the global level, the ICTs revolution, the evolution of gender and intergenerational relations, the evolution of spirituality and of the status and the role of religion in modern societies, the emergence of a multi-polar world and the phenomenon of emerging Asian powers and the issue of competing regionalism.
One of the most daunting problems hindering the effort of African Union in integrating the continent towards developmental transformation in line with its motto: “a United and Strong Africa” (see AU website: http://www.ea.au.int) is the issue of ethnic divisions which was caused chiefly by Slavery. Nunn (2007:1) attested to this fact when he asserted that ‘the largest numbers of slaves were taken from areas that were the most underdeveloped politically at the end of the 19th century and are the most ethnically fragmented today’. The emergence of colonialism added salt to injury through the imposition of arbitrary boundaries on Africa by colonial powers at the Berlin Conference of 1885 where Africa was partitioned with complete disregard for existing societal and geographic boundaries. Consequently, this disadvantaged many countries by disrupting established indigenous communication and trade linkages, creating an abnormally large number of landlocked states, and leaving various countries (such as Niger) without natural resources (Sachs, 2005). Throughout the colonial era, Africa witnessed nothing but political subjugation, economic distortion and human and natural resources exploitation, cultural suppression, ideological domination, and technological stagnation; which led to the underdevelopment of the continent.
During the decolonisation period, the colonialists handed over power to their cronies who ruled in their (European powers’) interest to ensure Africa remain a dumping ground for their finished goods and source of raw materials and cheap labour. It is arguable that the consciousness of some leaders such as Kwame Nkurumah, Julius Nyerere among others to deviate from the laid down path of the colonial powers through the pursuit of Afrocentric development strategies also undermine African development (an argument which I personally do not subscribe to). Luiz (2006) opined that the pursuit by most post-independence African ruling elites of Afrocentric development strategies, based on Marxist principles and rejection of Western capitalism, was very costly. He argued that Africa turned inward and isolationist at a time when much of the world embraced open and outward-oriented economic policies, which eventually led to some dubious policy decisions that, together with a lack of institutional capabilities, undermined growth and created an unattractive business environment. Luiz’s argument was corroborated by earlier observation that Ghana and South Korea had an almost equal per capita income of US$490 and US$491 respectively in 1957. However, by 1980, Ghana’s per capita income had fallen to US$400 while South Korea’s had increased to over US$2000 (Werlin, 1994).
On a contrary argument, the underdevelopment of the continent came about as a result of Africa’s experience of the establishment of a whole range of regional schemes for political and economic cooperation by the colonialists. This wave of regionalisation occurred for several reasons, some practical, others ideological (Benedikt, 2007:2). Notably, the independence and the concomitant break-up of the colonial federations such as the Afrique Occidentale Française (AOF), the Afrique Equatoriale Française (AEF), and the Central African Federation had suddenly highlighted the negative consequences of the extreme segmentation and the intrinsically problematic viability of the political divisions and economic circuits inherited from the colonial period (Bach, 1999:3).
Without the binding structures of the colonial administrations, Africa’s newly independent states were quickly confronted by economic and political disunity as the colonial powers had concentrated on forging vertical links between their metropoles and their dependent colonies rather than horizontal links (Adedeji, 1984: 231).
The outcome of the misguided economic policies implemented by post-colonial African governments was that African countries were left without a sound industrial base and necessary capital, with an insignificant share of the world market, a heavy dependency on the developed countries, and mounting foreign debts (Ayittey, 2005). Furthermore, numerous decades after African countries gained independence, the terms of their economies’ incorporation into the global economy remained largely unchanged: they continued to be locked into the role of traditional commodity exporter and importer of capital goods and technologies, with most economies undiversified and their commodity exports concentrated in a narrow range of products (Mills and Jean-Pierre, 2011: 97). In fact, they had not only consistently discouraged the former colonies (unless it served an imperial purpose), but also amplified the resultant difficulties through what Nkrumah called “by far the greatest wrong which the departing colonialists had ever inflicted on Africa, namely, to leave us divided into economically unviable states which bear no possibility of real development” (Nkurumah, 1973: 282-4). This was simply expressed by the following wordings in Arusha Declaration in the analysis of the truths of the colonial experience in Africa: “We have been oppressed a great deal, we have been exploited a great deal, and we have been disregarded a great deal” (cited in Rodney, 1972: 227)
It is worthy to note that this exploitation still continues till date under the context of neo-colonialism. The desire to mitigate this wrong, to combat the ongoing exploitation of the continent’s resources and to achieve some sort of economic and political viability was one of the main motivations for the African states to begin regional cooperation. This necessitated the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. However, it should be noted that not all governments (and resistant movements) of the continent subscribed to the underlying idea of African oneness. It is premised on this that it is hardly surprising that Africa’s decolonisation was accompanied by a proliferation of intergovernmental organisations, federations, unions, and communities some of which were virtually moribund from the beginning while others quickly gained membership and political influence (Benedikt, 2007:2) which subsequently bring about the problem of conflicting and competing regionalism in Africa thereby undermining the continent’s integration. This led to the uneasy relationship between the African Union (AU) and the continent’s sub-regional organisations, as well as the ongoing rivalry between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and its various francophone shadows such as the Communauté Economique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEAO) or the Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest Africaine (UEMOA).
Under the disguise of lending helping hands to a continent grasping from the claw of underdevelopment, ravaged by disintegration and proliferation of regional organisations, a continent lacking private fund to finance infrastructural development, in which the little available are being mismanaged and diverted to Swiss foreign bank account; the international community decided to adopt Aid and Cooperation as a game of keeping Africa under perpetual underdevelopment. The Western powers deliberately introduced Aid, Loan and Cooperation during the decolonisation period as a game of influence played by the powerful States with an asymmetrical relationship. Hugon (2010: 109-10) opined that these Donors provide official development assistance (ODA) for varying reasons: solidarity (struggle against poverty, urgent aid), utilitarianism (access to natural resources, presence in protected markets), geostrategic interests (security, conflict prevention, fight against terrorism, management of migratory or epidemiological risks, seeking a voice in international decisions), cultural expansion (defence of language and culture), bad conscience (post-colonial guilt, the white man’s burden) or even developmentalism (reduction of international asymmetry and divergence of trajectories).
Be it as it may, extant studies have proven that Aid-giving and Loans to the continent under whatever reason and event is compounding the continent’s predicament which consequently led to the fiscal trap, a consequence of debt overhang, which made important stimulatory expenditure on health care, roads, power grids and ports no longer possible (Sachs, 2005; Mills and Jean-Pierre, 2011; Hugon, 2010; Mbeki, 2009). Much of these Aid and Loans were more often than not diverted, misappropriated and embezzled by African leaders which led Africa to the continent of debt-ridden nations. The Aid game enables the international communities and financial institutions notably World Bank and IMF to determine how African economy is being run through the introduction of several economic reforms aimed at subjugating the continent economically. These includes: currency devaluation, Structural Adjustment Programmes, among others which after their introduction and implementation more often than not left African economy worse-off. For instance, the resultant effect of the failed structural adjustment policies foisted on the debt-ridden African nations by the international financial institutions, are evident in the adverse economic and social consequences, including falling economic output, balance of payments difficulties, as well as rising poverty, foreign debts, falling world prices of primary export products, inequality and unemployment which contributed immensely to Africa’s underdevelopment (Guest, 2004; Stiglitz, 2007; Mbeki, 2009; Moyo, 2009; Chabal, 2002).
The history of Africa has been replete with conflicts. Conflicts have ripped through the continent such that in Africa today, crisis in human security has emerged. The resultant effects are increasing internal conflicts, frustrated aspirations and rising social tensions. Other effects are the displacement of people from their societies, value systems as well as loss of governments and institutions. The need to rid the continent from the scourge of conflicts and crises necessitated the birth of the Organization for African Unity (OAU) on 25 May 1963 (Obasanjo, 2005).
The initial OAU mechanism for crisis management in Africa was the Commission for Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration (CMCA), which came into effect in 1964. However, the post Cold War era brought about a new political stability and social economic development. Thus, the OAU attempted to change its mechanism for crisis management by adopting the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution (MCPMR) in 1993 (Lemarchand). This mechanism was found to be deficient in some areas especially, the power to interfere in the internal affairs of member states. This was amongst the reasons for the transformation of the Organization into the African Union (AU) in 2004 (Imobighe, 2003:67). Today, Africa is plagued by conflicts most of which are intra state in nature. Thus, the regional organisation, AU has its hands full of crises requiring resolution. These conflicts and crises which occurred mostly in Sub-Saharan Africa have been protracted, thus posing serious challenges to the AU.
The drift by some African States into unmitigated chaos became a constant source of worry to many leaders in the continent and the international community at large. The series of conferences and summits held across the continent reflected this. It was at an Ordinary Summit of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in 2001 that the Constitutive Act of AU was adopted by 53 member states of the OAU in Lome, Togo (Salim, 2002:18). Furthermore, the desire for a stronger organisation that would be capable of handling the numerous conflicts that plagued the continent provided the initiative that paved the way for the birth of the AU. This process began in Sirte, Libya in September 1999 during an extraordinary summit of the OAU (Salim, 2002:23).
The AU, thus aimed at achieving greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and its people, defending the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its member states. It was also to accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent; and promote peace, security and stability on the continent (Constitutive Act of the AU, Article 4).
The Constitutive Act of the Union was then to enter into force 30 days after the deposit of the instrument of ratification by two-thirds of the member states of the OAU. Consequently, the Act entered into force on 26 May 2000 after Nigeria deposited its instrument of ratification with the OAU Secretariat on 26 April 2000; being the thirty-sixth member state to do so (Constitutive Act of the AU, Article 4).
At its inception, the AU in a bid to realise collective security in the continent set out certain principles to guide the union. The principles and values informing the African Collective Security Policy include, inter-alia, the principles contained in Article 4 of the Constitutive Act of the AU.
The indivisibility of the security of African States is made such that the security of one African country is inseparably linked to the security of other African countries, and the African continent as a whole. Accordingly, any threat or aggression on one African country is deemed to be a threat or aggression on the others and the continent as a whole. These threats are then brought to the immediate attention of the Assembly of the Union or the Peace and Security Council (PSC) for decision and action as appropriate, in conformity with the AU principles and objectives (Constitutive Act of the AU, Article 4).
Conscious of the inadequacy of the clause of non-interference in the affairs of member states, a new clause in the Constitutive Act of the AU expressed the right of the Union to intervene. This is in pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. The clause resulted from experiences gained in previous conflict management attempts in the continent under the OAU.
The AU has been involved in the management of the Sudanese, Ethiopia-Eritrea and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) crises among others in Africa. However, with the eventual transformation of the OAU into AU, crises management and peace support operations remain a process. This in the opinion of many still requires extra efforts on the part of the organisation. Salim Ahmed Salim, a former Secretary General of OAU succinctly made the point when he declared:
…with the creation of the mechanism for conflict prevention, management in Cairo in 1993, a view and significantly different vision emerged in one continent. The creation of that mechanism signified a change from the position of “don’t interfere” to one “collective concern” for the peace, security and stability of the people of our continent. The doctrine became what happens to my neighbour is my responsibility also”. Since then, the issue of internal conflicts has become a matter of continental concern (Constitutive Act of the AU, Article 4).
The management of conflicts and crises by Africans has thus presented an opportunity on the emergence of the AU. Though the AU is still new, the expectations of Africans in the ability of the organisation to manage conflicts and crises, is indeed very high. It remains to be seen if this optimism can be translated into effective conflict and crises management which would lead to successful conflict resolution.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE RESEARCH PROBLEM
The African continent has been synonymous with conflicts even before the formation of the OAU and now AU. This situation cannot be divorced from historical factors surrounding the formation of nation states in Africa prominent among which was the partition of the continent by the European powers at the Berlin Conference of 1884 to 1885. This conference was to change the course of events in Africa. It brought people with different and antagonistic ideologies together under single states without putting in place mechanisms to ensure harmonious existence among them. This was the starting point of recurrent conflicts and crises in Africa.
In the Post Cold War era, African conflicts and crises have been largely intrastate except the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict and that of the DRC (Salim, 2002:33). They have also been too frequent that the AU appears overwhelmed. The recurrence of conflicts in the continent has become a factor for the assumption that AU mechanisms for conflict management are perhaps deficient in some respects.
If the AU must improve on its mechanisms for conflict management and peace support operations, the challenges confronting the organisation need to be identified with a view to working out a better approach. It is in this context that this research examines the issues and prospects of AU crisis management.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE RESEARCH
The following under listed are the objectives of this research:
(1) To discuss the AU mechanisms for crisis and conflict management in Africa.
(2) To discuss the challenges of the current AU conflict management mechanisms.
(3) Examine the prospects of enhancing AU mechanisms for crises management in the continent.
(4) To suggest possible ways on how best to improve the AU mechanisms for crises management.
1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The importance of this study is appreciable in the fact that:
(1) The AU Secretariat staff and policy makers would benefit from it as it presents viable prospects to address issues raised.
(2) It will also contribute to the existing body of knowledge on crises management by the AU in Africa.
(3) It will serve as reference material for further research in the area of crises management.
1.5 SCOPE OF THE RESEARCH
This research covers events in Africa regarding conflicts from 2000 to 2008. This period provides room for assessing the efficiency of AU mechanisms for crisis management from her inception to date.
1.6 LIMITATIONS OF THE RESEARCH
The study faced with some limitations. This arose from the inability of the researcher to interview key individuals who are stakeholders in crisis management under the auspices of the AU. However, a few interviews of past officials of the AU and some diplomats as well as military personnel who had participated in AU Peace Support Operations (PSOs) assisted in the attainment of the research objectives.
1.7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
This study answered the following research questions:
(1) Is there any significant relationship between AU mechanisms for crisis management and crisis management in Africa?
(2) Are AU mechanisms for crisis management in Africa effective?
(3) Are there challenges and prospects of AU mechanisms for crisis management in Africa?
(4) Are there other measures that could be adopted by the AU to make its mechanisms for crisis management more effective in the continent?
1.8 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES
The study tested the following hypotheses:
(1) HO – The AU mechanisms for crisis management is not faced with challenges in managing crisis in Africa.
(2) HA – The AU mechanisms for crisis management is faced with challenges in managing crisis in Africa.
1.9 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The research needs to identify the issues and prospects of AU mechanisms for crisis management. To do this, an authentic and reliable research methodology is needed. This focuses on the steps taken by the researcher in conducting the study. This includes the identification of variables, research design, area of study, population, sample and sampling techniques. The methodology also covers the instruments for data collection, validation and reliability of the instruments, methods of data collection, method of data analysis and weaknesses of the methodology.
1.9.1 Identification of the Variables
The variables in this research are qualitative in nature because they vary in kind rather than in magnitude. The independent variable is crisis management while the dependent variable is AU mechanism. Therefore, the more efficient AU Mechanism is the more effective crisis management in Africa will be.
1.9.2 Research Design
Due to the complex nature of crisis management in Africa, the researcher adopted a combination of historical, descriptive and experimental research methods in this work. The historical method allowed the researcher to determine what led to existing mechanisms for crisis management by the AU while the descriptive method made it possible to determine the nature of existing mechanisms. The descriptive research design includes survey research, case study, developmental studies, correlation studies and causal comparative or ex-post factor studies. However, the survey method was used in this study. This enabled the researcher to administer questionnaires to many respondents concurrently.
The experimental method enabled the researcher to employ both the historical and descriptive values to discover the challenges of AU. It also assisted the researcher to predict the prospect of crisis management by the AU as well as make some recommendations. Furthermore, it enabled the researcher to identify and test the cause and effect relationship between the independent and the dependent variables.
1.9.3 Sample and Sampling Techniques
The sample used in this study included military personnel that participated in AU Peace Support Operations (PSO). Others include diplomats, university lecturers and persons with relevant experience in the field of crisis management. Thus, stratified random sampling technique was used for selection of sample from the population. This was to ensure that relevant characteristics like social status, ranks, participation in AU PSOs and other important factors were considered. The selection also considered educational background of the sample population. This ensured that each category of the sample was proportionally represented. The sampling technique used in this work therefore guaranteed the representation of all relevant interest groups.
1.9.4 Instruments of Data Collection
A combination of researcher-designed questionnaire and unstructured interviews were used for data collection. A sample copy of the questionnaire and the questions asked during the unstructured interviews are at Appendixes II and III respectively. The questionnaire was divided into two sections. The first section contained information on the personal profile of the respondent. The personal profile information included age, occupation, rank, academic qualification and participation in AU PSO. The second section consisted a twenty nine item questionnaire structure, placed in a four point-scale of Strongly Agree (SA), Agree (A), Strongly Disagree (SD) and Disagree (D).
1.9.5 Method of Data Collection
The data used in this work were collected through unstructured interviews, discussions, consultations and administration of questionnaires. The research adopted the structured interview method for two main reasons. Firstly, crisis management is a government policy and therefore a sensitive national and international issue. Hence, a respondent might not likely accept responsibility for some comments that could have emanated from a structured interview. The unstructured interview therefore allowed some of the sources to address the research questions using their words. Secondly, some primary sources due to their busy schedule may lack time to complete the structured questionnaires. Hence, the interview assisted the researcher in obtaining information from busy resource persons.
The structured questionnaires, on the other hand, were used, to permit for easier scientific analysis of the research findings. They also assisted in revealing different view points thereby taking care of likely biases that might be contained in some of the secondary sources. Data for this study were, therefore, obtained from both primary and secondary sources.
Primary data was derived from unstructured interviews with the former Ambassador and Special Representative of Nigeria to the UN, Chief Arthur Mbanefo. The former Nigerian Defence Attache to Ethiopia and member of the AU Military Staff Centre, Brig Gen Ahmad T Jibrin, a former Head of Mission to the African Mission in Sudan (AMIS), Ambassador Babagana Kingibe as well as Capt Aliyu S Aliyu, a onetime Information Analysis Officer of the AU Darfur Integrated Task Force were also interviewed The researcher interviewed these diplomats and official because of the roles they might have played in crisis management while working at the UN and AU. This gave a broad picture of the efforts of AU in crisis management. A focused group discussions with some diplomats and other relevant people were also utilized as a means of acquiring data.
The researcher also administered questionnaires to some lecturers of strategic studies at Ahmadu Bello University Zaria, Nigerian Defence Academy Kaduna, University of Abuja and National Defence College Abuja. Some questionnaires were also administered to some military personnel in Kaduna, Abuja and Jaji cantonment that had participated in AU PSO. Additionally, the researcher used his personal experience having served as a member of Nigerian Battalion (NIBATT) 10, AMIS from February to July 2006.
Secondary sources were obtained from the libraries at AFCSC Jaji, NDC Abuja, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs Lagos and and the Kaduna State Library. The Internet was also extensively used. Such sources included books, unpublished works, journals, magazines, newspapers, lecture texts and seminar papers. Others included official documents of the AU and some IGO’s.
1.9.6 Methods of Data Analysis
Data collected was analysed graphically using tables and charts. This gave a symbolic representation of the data gathered. Statistical method using Chi-square was also used to test whether the hypotheses were to be accepted or not. One of the weaknesses of the methodology used is that the researcher might not have come in contact with the most appropriate respondents that have the right information during the survey. Secondly, the respondents might be reluctant to disclose their true feelings particularly on sensitive issues, like policies on crisis management. Finally, some respondents might have faked their responses to the research questionnaires just to satisfy the researcher’s need. However, using various instruments for data collection, gaps that might have emanated from any of the instruments used were taken care of. This enhanced the reliability of the methodology adopted in this work.
1.10 PROPOSITIONS
1. AU mechanisms for conflict resolutions are deficient.
2. The AU like OAU uses the Euro-centric model of conventional security strategy for conflict management.
3. It is time to apply the economic developmental approach or grand strategy as a mechanism for AU’s conflict management.
1.11 CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION
For the purpose of this study the following terms are defined as follows:
1. Conflict: Conflict is a situation in which 2 or more human beings desire goals which they perceive as being obtainable by one or the other, but not both, each party is mobilizing energy to obtain a goal, a desired object or situation and each party perceives the other as a barrier or threat to the goal.
2. Conflict Prevention: Conflict prevention activities are normal conducted under Chapter VI of the UN Charter. They range from diplomatic initiatives to preventative deployment of forces intended to prevent disputes from escalating into armed conflicts or from spreading. Conflict prevention can also include fact-finding missions, consultation, warnings, inspections and monitoring. Preventive deployment within the framework of conflict prevention is the deployment of operational forces possessing sufficient deterrence capabilities to avoid a conflict.
3. Crisis: Crisis is an extreme situation of conflict which has reached a turning point, where critical decisions have to be taken or else the conflict escalates to a point of extreme violence. It is a degenerated state of conflict, where threats to human security, intense violence, characterized by fighting, death, injury and large scale-displacement of populations among others, occur.
4. Crisis Management: Crisis management refers to measures to identify, acquire and plan the use of resources needed to anticipate, prevent, and/or resolve a crisis or the threat of a crisis. It involves measures aimed at de-escalating crisis situation and bringing cessation of violence. The necessary agencies of law and order are therefore used to contain such situations. These include the police and members of the armed force to identify, acquire and plan the use of resources needed to anticipate, prevent, and/or resolve a crisis or the threat of a crisis. The central issue is balance between national strategy, interests and objectives, and actions taken to prevent war.
5. Humanitarian Operations: Humanitarian operations are conducted to relieve human suffering. Military humanitarian activities may accompany, or be in support of humanitarian operations conducted by specialized civilian organizations.
6. Peace: Peace is a process involving activities that are directly or indirectly linked to increasing development and reducing conflict, both within specific societies and in the wider international community.
7. Peace Building: Peace building covers actions which support political, economic, social and military measures as well as structures, aiming to strengthen and solidify political settlement in order to redress the causes of conflict. This includes mechanisms to identify and support structure which tend to consolidate peace, advance a sense of confident and well being, and support economic reconstruction.
8. Peace Enforcement: Peace Enforcement (PE) operations are coercive in nature and undertaken under Chapter VII of UN Charter when the consent of any of the major parties to the conflict is uncertain. They are designed to maintain and re-establish peace or enforce the terms specified in the mandate.
9. Peace Keeping: Peacekeeping (PK) operations are general undertaken under Chapter VI of the UN Charter with consent of all the major parties to a conflict, to monitor and facilitate the implementation of a peace agreement.
10. Peace Making: Peacemaking covers the diplomatic activities conducted after the commencement of a conflict aimed at establishing a cease-fire or a rapid peaceful settlement. They can include the provision of good offices, mediation, conciliation, diplomatic pressure, isolation and sanctions.
11. Peace Support Operations: Peace Support Operations (PSO) are multi-functional operations involving military forces as well as diplomatic and humanitarian agencies. They are designed to achieve humanitarian goals or a long-term political settlement, and are conducted impartially in support of a mandate. These include peacekeeping, peace enforcement, conflict prevention, peacemaking, peace building and humanitarian operations.
12. Preventive Diplomacy: Preventive diplomacy is the attempt to make official policy out of conflict prevention. It is defined as actions taken to prevent disputes arising between parties, to prevent existing disputes from escalating into crisis and to limit the spread of the latter when they occur.
13. Violence: Violence is the detrimental use of legally and morally prohibited force against humanity by humanity. It involves the illegitimate or unauthorized use of force to effect decisions against the will or desires of others.
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THE ROLE OF OPHD IN COMBATING ARMED BANDITRY
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Nigeria’s Northwest is gradually becoming another major regional theatre of violence, much like the Northeast where Boko Haram terrorists have wreaked havoc in the past ten years. A problem, which initially appeared as localized disputes between herders and farmers over access to land, has morphed into an intractable crisis posing a major threat to national and regional security. The level of rural banditry escalated between 2014 and 2019 attracting a lot of attention, while assuming increased political undertones in the run-up to the 2019 Nigerian elections.
In Zamfara and parts of neighboring Katsina state in the Northwest, rampaging gangs of armed bandits have engaged in violent acts, attacking, abducting, killing, and robbing villagers and travelers, and engaging in cattle rustling. Although sometimes exaggerated or underestimated by some political actors, casualty figures are quite alarming. The former Governor of Zamfara state, Abdulaziz Yari, is reported to have said that nearly five hundred villages and thirteen thousand hectares of land have been devastated, and two thousand eight hundred and thirty five people killed between 2011 and 2018. It is also estimated that there are at least ten thousand armed bandits and cattle rustlers operating out of eight major camps in Zamfara state. Also, some reports put the number of children orphaned as a result of such attacks at forty four thousand since 2010. In Anka Local Government Area of the state, over sixteen thousand people have been internally displaced.
Ungoverned Spaces and Rural Banditry
Zamfara State is mostly surrounded by forests (with little or no government presence) from where bandits launch their attacks on outlying towns, highways, and villages. The Rugu, Kamara, Kunduma, and Sububu forests have become major hideouts for criminals. Worse still, with a fragile state system and waning public confidence in police and state security institutions, the allegiance of defenseless rural communities is gradually shifting toward informal, armed groups and local vigilantes. There are widespread allegations of corruption against state security operatives, police, judges, village heads, and even some vigilante groups. The public institutions responsible for offering protection and delivering justice are unable to bring bandits to justice due to inadequate resources and widespread extortion. The bandits are so brazen that they notify villages ahead of attacks, and impose illegal tolls on farmers seeking to gain access to their farms. The irony is that despite enormous amounts being invested in military and security operations, the security situation seems to be deteriorating.
Between January and April 2019 a number of operations by the Nigerian Army, such as Operation Harbin Kunama, Operation Diran Mikiya, and Operation Puff Adder, were carried out in the bid to tackle banditry in the Northwest. The Government of Zamfara alone has spent over N17 billion funding military and security operations in the state.2 However, the armed bandits seem to be expanding the scope of their operations beyond Zamfara and into the neighboring states. On April 11, 2019, the Governor of Katsina state, Aminu Bello Masari, spoke of how bandits were taking over parts of the state, killing people and destroying property with impunity.
Competing Narratives
There are competing narratives regarding the causes and nature of the problem of armed banditry in Zamfara and neighboring states. Some view the conflict as one of the effects of climate change, particularly decreasing amounts of rainfall, on the “scarcity” of arable land and pastures. The drop in rainfall over the years translates into the scarcity of water, which in the context of a rapid population growth rate places pressure on land, and fuels intense conflicts between pastoralists and farmers whose livelihoods and survival are based on access to land.
Another school of thought associates the growing insecurity with state failure due to corruption, the collapse of institutions of governance, de-industrialization, growing poverty, and a culture of impunity that pervades state and local governance in Zamfara state. Still on the issue of insecurity, some observers explain the instability in Nigeria’s Northwest in terms of porous borders and the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. 3 They argue that arms have found their way into the region from the Maghreb following uprisings in North Africa and countries of the Sahel, including post-Ghaddafi Libya.
Protagonists of a natural resource curse trace the conflict to competition over “gold deposits,” pitching those engaged in illicit gold mining against local communities, as well as certain big-time mine owners believed to have strong links with government. 4 Yet, there are those who believe the conflict is spiritual, and the problem facing the region is the result of a “test from God.” 5
Typical of the thriving culture of conspiracy theories in Nigeria, the narrative that is gaining wider currency in both policy and public circles is the view that the escalation of rural banditry is the handiwork of the political opponents of the ruling party, who lost out during the 2015 and 2019 elections. The Nigerian Chief of Army Staff, Lt. General Buratai, claims that the government is in possession of strong evidence pointing to certain politicians as those sponsoring rural banditry. Buratai was quoted as saying, “I want to believe and rightly so that with the fallout of the just concluded elections, there are politicians who saw their defeat as a means of revenge, sponsoring these criminal activities and even banditry, clashes between herders and farmers.” 6 While some of the narratives may or may not be true, the responsibility of securing the lives and properties of the citizens remains that of the government.
Non-state Security Actors
The breakdown of authority at the local and state levels has created the enabling environment for the emergence of a complex informal security sector in Zamfara. Competing and rival armed and criminal gangs operate freely in the state in the name of vigilantism. Lacking in security training, the groups are accused of criminal acts ranging from violent robbery, unlawful confiscation of properties of both bandits and their victims, and human rights abuses.
Unless something is urgently done to strengthen the legitimacy and capacity of state institutions and non-state actors, including traditional authorities to address issues of corruption and widespread poverty, the security situation may likely continue to deteriorate. It is also important for the state to address the deep-rooted grievances that drive conflict in the region, as well as other neighboring states. There are reports indicating that armed banditry has crippled the local economies of the Northwest with food production, pastoralism, and animal husbandry dropping by about fifty per cent.
Rural banditry by all accounts is undermining security, peace, and development in Nigeria’s northwest. While the unfolding crisis could be linked to a set of factors, the threat to security in a region already reeling from the effects of a decade-long Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast cannot be over-stated. More in-depth studies are needed to identify and address the roots of the crisis of state legitimacy and governance affecting the region, including the security of its borders—and most importantly, the rights, dignity, and safety of its peoples.
H0: There is no relationship between activities of OPHD and combating of armed banditry
H1: There is a relationship between activities of OPHD and combating of armed banditry
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After paying the appropriate amount (#5,000) into our bank Account below, send the following information to
08068231953 or 08168759420
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CIVIL – MILITARY RELATIONS AND NATIONAL SECURITY: CHALLENGES FOR THE NIGERIAN ARMED FORCES
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
The complexities associated with modern battlefields have influenced the crafting of strategy towards employment of technological products for reasons of lethality and operational fluidity. Also, humanitarian considerations have become essential, leading to the adoption of the Manoeuvrist Approach to Warfare (MAW) in place of the Attritionists’ Approach to Warfare that demonized the profession through the last centuries. Without prejudice to humanitarian concerns associated with the MAW, in populated areas remain pronounced, thereby necessitating military engagement in relieving affected civilian populations.
The importance of good relation between the military and civil populace cannot be over-emphasised (NATO Civil-Military Co-operation, 2001:1-1). A number of internal security operations that the Nigerian Armed Forces is currently conducting in the Niger Delta and other parts of the country calls for a co-ordinated approach to the integration of the civilian dimension into operational plans. This is to avoid misinterpretation, misrepresentation of the intentions and actions of the military. This is important to ensure that internal security (IS) operations do not undermine National Security. It is in this light that this study seeks to answer the following questions:
i. What is the relationship between CMR and National Security?
ii. What are the effects of CMR on National Security challenges?
iii. Could CMR be partly panacea to attainment of National Security?
iv. What policies and strategies are required to guide CMR toward enhancing National Security?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
i. To establish a relationship between CMR and National Security.
ii. To highlight the effects of CMR on National Security challenges.
iii. To establish that CMR if accorded its deserved priority could be the solution to many National Security challenges.
iv. To proffer strategies for CMR as a factor towards solving Nigeria’s security challenges.
There is a conventional notion that a country is most secured when its security apparatus are potent. This has resulted into nation states placing much premium on the concept of national security often at the detriment of the citizens. This study therefore, seeks to establish the imperatives of mutual relationship between military and the civil populace towards solving Nigeria’s Security challenges.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This study would contribute towards enhancing alternative ways of handling security challenges in Nigeria. Its findings would assist the Nigerian State in formulating policies that would entrench great bond between the military and civilians in attempt to efficiently handle the nation’s security challenges.
The concept of national security has permeated in global discourse since the end of Cold War while CMR is a concept that is just coming on board in Nigeria. In the course of this study, the period spanning from 1999 till date shall be covered and only relevant literatures on this concept will be referred to.
1.7 LIMITATIONS
This research work is impaired by some limitations. The key limitations were of secondary data to analyse the concept of CMR and national security of other developed nations. Although, the data used were from reputable international sources, the authenticity of their findings might not be insulated from bias. The concepts of CMR and national security challenges are intangible. Hence, the empirical testing of both concepts was relatively impossible. However, this did not affect the quality of research carried out and the outcomes of the findings.
1.8 METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS
The data used in this study were largely collected from secondary sources. This include data on some selected countries concepts of CMR irrespective of the names it is called. Additionally, data were obtained from research of relevant literatures and publications. These formed the basis for the comparison of the variables. Furthermore, it aided the study in assessment of the performance of Nigeria in human security when compared to selected countries. This study employed both descriptive and inferential statistics for the analysis of data.
The descriptive statistical tools that were used were tally method, frequency table, percentages, pie charts and bar charts. The tally method was used to allocate tally marks to responses to each answer options. These were then summed up and frequency tables were drawn for each relevant question indicating the available options and the respective frequency of response. The percentage technique was also used to analyze the figures obtained from the frequency tables and pie charts as well bar charts were used to provide a vivid representation of the outcome.
1.9 CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION
There have been various schools of thought worldwide on what constitutes CMR. Various postulations became necessary as the subject helps build cordial relationship between military and civilians toward achieving nations’ security collaborations and attainments. CMR found its relevance in Nigeria considering the unhealthy unprecedented security challenges facing the country. It further found its relevance as a palliative measure toward solving ethno/religious insurgences and agitations which have taken a front burner in Nigeria society. It is evident that there is a direct relationship between CMR and Nigeria National Security situation. Hence, the need to adopt CMR in totality in Nigeria.
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ICT TRAINING IN NIGERIAN ARMY: CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR OPERATIONAL EFFICIENCY AND EFFECTIVENESS
Title page – – – – – – – – – – i
Certification – – – – – – – – – ii
Approval Page – – – – – – – – – – iii
Dedication – – – – – – – – – – iv
Acknowledgement- – – – – – – – – v
Table of Contents – – – – – – – – – vi
List of Tables – – – – – – – – – ix
List of Figures- – – – – – – – – – x
List of Abbreviation – – – – – – – – xi
Abstract – – – – – – – – – – xii
CHAPTER ONE:
1.0 General Introduction- – – – – – – – 1
1.1 Background- – – – – – – – – 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem- – – – – – – 5
1.3 Objectives of the Study- – – – – – – 6
1.4 Research Assumption – – – – – – – 6
1.5 Significance of the Study – – – – – – 6
1.6 Scope of the Study – – – – – – – 7
1.7 Limitations of the Study- – – – – – – 8
References – – – – – – – – – 9
2.0 Literature Review- – – – – – – – 10
2.1 Introduction – – – – – – – – 10
2.2 Concept of Information – – – – – – – 10
2.3 Concept of Communication – – – – – – 12
2.4 Concept of Technology – – – – – – – 13
2.5 Concept of Information Technology – – – – 15
2.6 Concept of Information Communication Technology – – 16
2.7 Previous Studies and Related works – – – – 17
2.8 Information Communication Technology (ICT), and Its
Application in the Nigerian Army for Operational Efficiency
and Effectiveness – – – – – – – 19
2.9 Theoretical Framework- – – – – – – 21
2.10 Summary – – – – – – – – – 26
References – – – – – – – – 28
CHAPTER THREE
3.0 Research Methodology – – – – – – – 31
3.1 Introduction – – – – – – – – 31
3.2 Research Design- – – – – – – – 31
3.3 Area of Study- – – – – – – – – 32
3.4 Research Population- – – – – – – – 32
3.5 Instrument of Data Collection – – – – – 33
3.6 Validation of the Instruments- – – – – – 33
3.7 Method of Data Collection and Analysis – – – – 34
3.8 Weakness of the Study- – – – – – – 34
3.9 Summary- – – – – – – – – – 35
References – – – – – – – – 36
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 Data Presentation and Analysis- – – – – – 37
4.1 Introduction- – – – – – – – – 37
4.2 Data Presentation and Analysis – – – – – – 37
4.3 Finding – – – – – – – – – 48
4.4 Relationship between ICT and the Conduct of Military
Operations – – – – – – – – – 48
4.5 Problems and Challenges of Ict Training Affecting the
Operational Effectiveness And Efficiency Of The NA – 50
4.5.1. Inadequate Funding of ICT. – – – – – – 51
4.5.2 Poor Infrastructure – – – – – – – 51
4.5.3 Inadequate Human Resource Development – – – 52
4.6. Prospect of ICT Training in NA for Operational Effectiveness
and Efficiency – – – – – – – – 53
4.6.1. Systems Networking – – – – – – – 53
4.6.2. Improve Information Warfare Capability – – – – 53
4.6.3. Medical Consultation – – – – – – – 54
4.7 Summary – – – – – – – – – 54
References – – – – – – – – 56
CHAPTER FIVE
5.0 Conclusion and Recommendations- – – – – 57
5.1 Conclusion- – – – – – – – – 57
5.2 Recommendations- – – – – – – – 58
Bibliography – – – – – – – – 60
Appendices
LIST OF TABLES
| Serial | Title table | Page No |
| (a) | (b) | (c) |
| 4.1.1 | Respondents Distribution by Rank | 37 |
| 4.1.2 | Participation in Operations | 39 |
| 4.1.3 | Level of application of Information Communication Technology in different Operations | 40 |
| 4.1.4 | Respondent Responses on Computer use | 42 |
| 4.1.5 | Application of ICT in the NA | 43 |
| 4.1.6 | Factors contributing to low level Application of ICT in the NA | 45 |
| 4.1.7 | Level of Awareness and Application of ICT in the NA | 46 |
LIST OF FIGURES
| Serial | Title of Figure | Page No |
| (a) | (b) | (c) |
| 4.1.1 | Bar chart showing Respondents Distribution by Rank | 38 |
| 4.1.2 | Bar chart showing participation in Operations | 39 |
| 4.1.3 | Bar chart showing level of application of Information Communication Technology in different Operations | 41 |
| 4.1.4 | Bar chart showing computer use in the NA | 42 |
| 4.1.5 | Bar chart showing the level Application of ICT in the NA | 44 |
| 4.1.6 | Bar chart showing factors contributing to low level Application of ICT in the NA | 45 |
| 4.1.7 | Bar chart showing level of Awareness and application of ICT in the NA | 47 |
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
CAN – Computer for all Nigerians.
CEP – Circular Probable Error.
DADP – Department of Automated Data Processing.
DICON – Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria.
ECOOG – Economic Community of West African State
EMR – Electronic Medical Records.
FOB – Forward Operation Base.
GOC – General Officer Commanding.
GPS – Global Positioning System.
IA – Information Assurance.
ICT – Information and Communication Technology.
IT – Information Technology.
IW – Information Warfare
LAN – Local Area Network.
NA – Nigerian Army.
NCW – Network Centric Warfare.
NHIS – National Health Insurance Scheme.
NITDA – National Information Technology Development Agency.
PER – Performance Evaluation Report.
PHCN – Power Holding Company of Nigeria.
PSO – Peace Support Operation.
R&D – Research and Development.
US – United States.
VSAT – Very Small Aperture Terminal.
WAN – Wide Area Network.
WWI – World War I or II.
WWW – World Wide Web
ABSTRACT
This research was carried out to examine the challenges and prospects of ICT training in the NA. The studies also have the objectives of looking at how the level of ICT training in the NA affects the efficiency and the effectiveness of her operations. A survey was carried out to ascertain the level of ICT in the NA using questionnaire and other literatures. The result of the survey showed that inadequate infrastructure, poor human resource development programmes and inadequate funding are the major challenges impairing the training and application of ICT in the NA. The lack of military industrial complex as a result of low level of ICT training did not give the military the much needed spare parts that could prolong the lives of weapons, equipment and platforms. Although about 60 percent of respondents have knowledge of ICT in varying degree, majority of them use computer for world processing, games and e-mail. Recommendations were made for better training and application of ICT in the NA. These includes The AHQ should set up a verification team to access and ascertain the level of ICT training among the NA personnel and infrastructure available within the NA. The AHQ should also assist units and formations to subscribe to co-operate firms for intense programmes on ICT training. Finally there is need for AHQ to consider more funding in the area of ICT with a view to enhancing the skills of its personnel.
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
The armed forces of nations are required to protect the territorial integrity, contribute to internal security and uphold the constitution. The performance of these tasks warrants their being dispersed and commanders need to pass instructions to subordinates in order to direct the course of war, administer and for coordination with other Services. The means of passing these instructions had been a subject of concern to commanders and their subordinates.
Before the Industrial Age, instructions were passed on the battlefield through runners but visual signals endangered the lives of signalers and were inefficient for long distance messages (EJASL Vol 8, 2005:9).The industrial age brought a little relief as radios and telephones were used for communication between the rear and frontline troops. However, the radios were too bulky for mobile operation during World War 1 (WWI) (Makane, 2000:28-30).
These cumbersome communication arrangements generated additional friction apart from the fog of war. These problems consigned commanders to the delays and uncertainties of war (Makane, 2000:14). Furthermore, commanders could not be sure of security of the messages (Boltz, 2007:84) Thus, command and control as a major problem during WWI because the technology available at that time could not offer the opportunity of frequent and immediate communication (Boltz, 2007:89).
The state of communication and information management prevalent during WWI was improved upon during WWII. The aeroplane became a platform for ground-to-air and air-to-ground communication using on board wireless radios. Apart from revolutionizing the war logistically, it relieved commanders of depending on bulky communication equipment (Thomas, 2008). After WWII, advanced countries such as the United States (US) continued to research in communication.
The US Department of Defence (DOD), thus created the Advances Research Project Agency Net (ARPANET) as an alternative means of communication in case of nuclear attack by the then Soviet Union in 1969 (UN,2005). The Internet was later discovered by Leonard Kleinrock, which provided e-mail and web facilities used for military and non-military purposes (Ajayi,2009). This gave impetus to Information and Communication Technology (ICT) which has now become a worldwide phenomenon. During the Gulf wars, the US and its allies displayed improved communication capabilities. For instance, their tanks used in the ground offensive were fitted with ground terminal equipment, such as cyclone antennae to establish a link with orbiting satellites. These satellite connections allowed the commanders in the tanks to share audio, voice and data with command centres practically anywhere in the world (MacGroddy etal, 1999).
There had been continuous and rapid technology advancements such as miniaturization thus making the production of smaller weapons and equipment possible (Richard, 2010). As many armed forces in Africa are struggling to acquire ICT infrastructure in the face of dwindling defence budgets, ICT assets are becoming obsolete within a short time due to technological advancement. Furthermore, the advanced countries have moved to the realm of stealth and precision weaponry as displayed in the Kosovo and Gulf Wars, an act that is creating a digital divide between the developed and developing countries (Eyo, 2001).
The use of ICT infrastructure is gradually being introduced into the Nigerian Army (NA). This is exposing NA personnel to a gamut of information and commanders could have access to field and long distance communications. This has bestowed some advantage on its communications such as battlefield transparency, intelligence gathering, propaganda, use of sensor, ICT-enabled weapon system and in Peace Support Operation (PSO). However, these advantages have their setbacks in the form of insecurity. The use of codes and firewalls by the NA may be inadequate and could open its information to hackers and other mischievous element in the virtual community. The consequences of the risks created manifest themselves in the possible failure of systems and assets whose incapacity or destruction would have a serious impact on national security.
During the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) operation in Liberia and Sierra Leone, NA personnel had the problems of communication insecurity, poor interoperability and was plagued by obsolete equipment (Dike, 2003). War fighting equipment such as mobile radar and simulators demand the knowledge of ICT for effective and efficient operations. It is therefore imperative that the problem and prospects of ICT in the NA be examined and probable solutions proffered in order to have adequate, efficient and effective communication support. These are the motivation for the study.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Nigeria is still grappling with the fast rate of development of ICT, but the national policy on ICT had been put in place to steer its development. Despite the fact that the NA rely on communication for its routine, logistic, administrative, and operational activities, the ICT infrastructure and Knowledge through which it can be achieve is inadequate.13 According to Adewoye, “no military can develop except it develop its technology”.
Based on the foregoing, this study shall seek to proffer answers to the following:
1. What is the relationship between ICT and the conduct of military operations?
2. What are the level of ICT training and its application in the NA?
3. What are the challenges and prospect of ICT training affecting the operational effectiveness and efficiency in NA?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The objectives of this study are:
1. To examine the relationship between ICT training and the conduct of military operations.
2. Ascertain the level of ICT training and it applications in the NA.
3. Examine the challenges and prospect of ICT training as it affects the operational effectiveness and efficiency of the NA.
1.4 RESEARCH ASSUMPTION
There is a general consensus that there is a relationship between ICT training in the NA and the efficiency and effectiveness of her operations. ICT training in the NA is the independent variable that determines the operational efficiency while effectiveness of the NA operations is the dependent variable.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
This study is significant due to the fact that it would contribute to the advancement of knowledge on ICT training in the NA. Also it is being carried out at a period of unprecedented global technological explosion, and the NA appears to be lacking. Consequently, it would seek to redress the apparent technological stalemate, with particular reference to military operations in the NA.
The outcome of the study would be of assistance to scholars, researchers and students who wish to explore more in this field of study. It could thus be a useful guide to policy makers and planners at the Nigerian Army Headquarters (NAHQs) in establishing an integrated ICT system among all its divisions across the country. It will also assist in making realistic projections for future applications of ICT and serve as reference material for a wide range of users especially defence information managers.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
This study shall cover the application of ICT training to military operations in the NA from the period of 1990 to 2010. The period marked the development of military technological developments such as the internet, satellites and their global accessibility. The Gulf Wars marked a defining moment in the history of military operations as the wars were truly digital war. In Nigeria, there has being a concerted effort by the army to procure ICT systems, though the process remains inconclusive. The army has however trained some officers in space technology to enhance its application and use of ICT.
1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
The use of data generated from a relatively small number of personnel of the NA to generalize for the whole NA constituted a limitation. This is coupled with the fact that ICT is relatively new to some members of the NA. However, questionnaire were shared to reflect a fair representation of the NA personnel hence it will not adversely affect the result of this study.
HOW TO RECEIVE PROJECT MATERIAL(S)
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PROLIFERATION OF SMALL ARMSAND LIGHT WEAPONS IN ANAMBRA SINCE 1970: IMPLICATIONS FOR SOUTH-EAST SECURITY
CHAPTER ONE
Anambra is a state with a rich culture. Its known for its great myths, giant strides, creative, hardworking and innovative people. Its history is as mythical as its great people, as there are diverse perspectives to the origin of ndi Anambra.
Their existence dates as far back as 4500BC, as confirmed by archeological findings unearthed in various locations in the state, including Igbo Ukwu, Aguleri, Awka, Ezira and Nri. Ndi Anambra migrated from the cradle of human civilization to their present location and their history is strongly linked to the history of the entire Igboland, as the source of Igbo civilization.
Old Anambra State was first created in 1976 from the East Central State. A re-organization by the then military president, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida, on August 27th 1991 further divided the Old Anambra into two states, present Anambra and Enugu States. The name Anambra is a colonial convenient pronunciation derived from the Omambala River, a tributary of the majestic River Niger.
Anambra is the tenth most populous state in Nigeria, with an estimated population of about 5,084,195 (2015 Census estimate). It covers an area of 4,416 square kilometers with rainforest vegetation, humid climate, a temperature of about 87°F and rainfall of between 152cm and 203cm per annum. Its natural features of hills, lakes, caves, forests and table savannah land from the beautiful landscape of the state. It shares boundaries with Abia, Delta, Enugu, Imo & Kogi States making it one of the few states with many neighbours. Agriculturally, Oil Palm, corn, rice, yam & cassava are its main cash crops. Fishing in inland waterways is also a significant commercial activity in the state.
Anambra State has deposits of natural gas and crude oil. Other minerals include gypsum, kaolin, bauxite, iron ore, lead, etc. Textiles, tourism, soft drinks processing/bottling, wood carving and blacksmithery form the major industries in the state. The business climate is highly favourable with a combination of large markets, abundant skilled labour force, entrepreneurial ability and easy access to capital and natural resources and a number of government incentives.
The state capital territory, Awka, famous for its legendary blacksmithery, spans across six Local Government Areas: Anaocha, Awka South, Awka North, Dunukofia, Njikoka and Orumba North and covers a land area of 400sq kilometers. The city of Onitsha, another major town in the state has with its massive market (the largest in West Africa), has strong trade links with many parts of the country and the world. Nnewi, the second most economically vibrant centre after Onitsha, has virtually become the automobile spare parts market of the nation and a fast-growing industrial centre.
The Igbo language is the mother tongue, but English is widely spoken due to the early influence of Missionary Schools & UAC Traders. A vast majority speak pidgin English, a blend of native Igbo dialect and English Language, which was probably adopted for ease of trade with early visiting Europeans. However, a small group of Igala-speaking people exists in Anambra West Local Government Area.
Ndi Anambra live and work in virtually every part of the country and the world and easily learn the languages of their places of sojourn. They integrate easily with the host communities where they find themselves, hence, their traditional hospitality and friendliness to visitors and strangers in their land.
A people of uncommon species, Ndi Anambra are shaped by their history and their environment to be persevering, hardworking, creative, innovative and adventurous. They are perhaps, the state’s most outstanding assets and the reason why Anambra is regarded as “Light of the Nation”.
The story of Ndi Anambra is that of outstanding achievements in Politics, Education, Commerce, Industry, Entertainment, Sports and indeed in every sphere of human endeavors.
The changing trend of threats to our South East Security is occasioned by the evolution and development of new factors in the internal and external environment of the Nigeria State. The security of the Nigerian state is aimed at protecting National integrity of the state and defending the essential values that constitute Nigerian identity.
The proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) has been given wide spread international focus in the post cold war era (Baxter, 2008). This is because these weapons have become the primary tools of ethnic and internal conflict in recent times. They have been the sources of violence, wars, conflict and crimes. It is a phenomenon that is destabilizing the peace, development and threatening the South East Security of sovereign States.
However, in nearly all conflict and crime, the diffusion of Small Arms and Light weapons particularly from industrialized nations to developing world has played a decisive role in escalating and intensifying the various threats to our South East Security. For example, the Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in Anambra state of Nigeria and the Nation in general, together cannot be overlooked in this discourse. Secondly, the Proliferation of Small Arms its misuse generates a climate of fear and culture of violence that can last for generations. Insecurity affects decision-making, access to food, water and shelter, as well as mobility and commerce. Thirdly, Small Arms and Light Weapon Proliferation discourages foreign investment and damages the prospects of economic development. As its availability promotes violent solution to conflict.
Lastly, it increases the level of criminal acts in society ranging from; robberies, assassination, kidnapping, assaults and car hijacking etc.
Readily available and easy to use, Small Arms and Light Weapons have been the primary and the sole tools for violence in almost all parts of the federation of Nigeria. In the hand of irregular troops, bandits, groups, individuals and politician operating with scant respect for International and National Humanitarian Laws. Small Arms and Light Weapons are killers Weapons.
Globalization too is becoming an ever influencing architect of the new interSouth East Security agenda. Its impact on the evolution of the relations among states is contradictory. It has facilitated the easy transportation of illegal Arms and Light Weapons from porous borders
These Arms are precisely ‘small’. They circulate easily because they are small, easy to buy, easy to use, easy to transport and easy to conceal. Their proliferation exacerbates conflicts, sparks refugees’ flows, and undermines the rule of law and spawn a culture of violence and impunity. Thus poses threat to National and State security.
The statements of problem is the fundamental question that requires an answer, it is the most worrying issues that need to be properly examine and understood. The research problem is the fulcrum which the research objective and hypotheses resolve (Obasi, 1999). Under the statement of problem the researcher is expected to examine the ‘why’ related issues the researcher does not only describe as such but rather raise question that attract curiosity and expectation in terms of answer.
The problem of proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) has intensified in the country since the late ‘60s to the very end of the Nigerian-Biafran war and after. Since the priority then, of both parties was to win the war at all cost, this made for massive importation of arms and weapons into the country. Since in times of war the situation provide for local populace to find ways to survive at all cost. Locally made arms were produced (both rifles, pistols, and land mines and other explosives). Some of these arms, either imported or locally made are still in circulation till today. The problem of illicit production, sales, distribution and trafficking of light weapons have threatened human welfare and dignity in many parts of the country. Ranging from distortion in National economy due to violence, terrorism and assassination, to corruption of public officials especially the law enforcement agents, who in themselves are made to keep watch either on the borders and sea routes, on the spread of these arms.
Against this backdrop of proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in the country, the Nigerian Government has established a National commission on small arms, as required by the moratorium; it faces a daunting task of exerting control and reducing the circulation, availability and diffusion of Small Arms and Light Weapons through its borders and sea routes into the country.
The research problem centers on the extent at which the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in Nigeria, poses a threat to South East Security, using Anambra State of Nigeria as a case study. It is against this backdrop that the following questions will be addressed.
vi To analyze the ways in which SALW proliferation are threat to South East Security.
H0: The proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) endangers threat to South East Security.
H1: The proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) does not endanger threat to South East Security.
H0: The current porous state of Anambra State’s borders and routes is partly responsible for the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons.
H1: The current porous state of Anambra State’s borders and routes is not responsible for the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons.
H0: The proliferation of SALW is partly due to the inability of government and security agent to come up with policies and strategies to regulate the inflow of illegal arms, which may be either due to corruption or negligence.
H1: The proliferation of SALW is not due to the inability of government and security agent to come up with policies and strategies to regulate the inflow of illegal arms, which may be either due to corruption or negligence.
The research is intended to highlight, how Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) have exacerbated the various threat to South East Security. It will also provide a framework for controlling regimes such as internal processes, National policy and Regional initiatives. These policy options will be provided by the study, to State, Sub-Regional, National and International organizations. Since the problem of SALW are not limited to any particular State.
The adoption of the multiple options that will be provided by this study will reduce and contain the various threats to our State and South East Security in which Small Arms and Light Weapons are the weapons of choice.
The significance of study is, the value or contribution which the research is going to make to existing knowledge in terms of theoretical justification or relevance. Secondly, the solution the research is going to provide towards ameliorating a practical problem of concern.
Therefore, the study has theoretical and practical relevance. The theoretical relevance of this study is that it examines the role of the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) in Anambra State. By so doing, the study enriches the existing stock of literature or expands the frontiers of knowledge through its findings. Therefore serves as a source of data/material to those scholars who may be interested in further studies in this area.
Empirically or practically, this study will be of immense benefits to government, security advisers, defense advisers, policy makers and politicians, Regional and International institutions like ECOWAS, AU, UN, IMF and WB etc.
The study is timely, because the process is ongoing.
Considering the relationship between the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) and various threats to our South East Security, the geographical size of the country dictates that the scope be narrowed down. Therefore, the reference point for the research shall be various security threats orchestrated in Anambra State of Nigeria.
It is also worthy of note that the true scope covered by the work is the period of 1967 to 2014. The choice of 1967 as the starting point is informed by the fact that the Nigerian civil war contributed to the proliferation of SALW into the country. The oil boom of the ‘70s led to the misappropriation of National funds, while the economic recessions of the ‘80s was also accompanied by a steep rise in robbery, political terrorism and the industrialization of corruption in all spheres of daily National life.
Coupled with these, is the fact that the ‘70s conceded with the period when sub-regional integration within the framework of ECOWAS began to gain momentum. It is partly as a result of this that free trade was adopted, along with this free trade, came in trade in both legal and illegal items and contrabands, partly of which are SALW.
HOW TO RECEIVE PROJECT MATERIAL(S)
After paying the appropriate amount (#5,000) into our bank Account below, send the following information to
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OR
Account Name: AMUTAH DANIEL CHUKWUDI
Account Number: 3139283609
Bank: FIRST BANK
FOR MORE INFORMATION, CALL:
08068231953 or 08168759420
BEFORE YOU READ THE ABSTRACT OR CHAPTER ONE OF THE PROJECT TOPIC BELOW, PLEASE READ THE INFORMATION BELOW.THANK YOU!
INFORMATION:
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ARMED FORCES IN PEACE SUPPORT OPERATIONS: CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR NIGERIAN ARMY PERSONNEL
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY
The need for peace and security has been addressed with the creation of the state as a political community. The state has carried out this task through government and its institutions to keep in check the prosperity of man to express whatever disagreement there is through violence. This is done for the most part, through the restraining power of the law and sometimes through the use of force (Stedman, 1991).
The concept of PSOs has been an issue of concern in the international discourse for considerable periods. Several schools of thoughts have postulated their respective arguments of this concept as it relates to the NA. The concept of PSO has an all encompassing and varied undertone which cut across the concepts of peacekeeping, peace building, peace enforcement and peacemaking.
In establishing a framework on the bases of these concepts, there is need to look at the divergent approaches to the concepts of PSOs, peace keeping, peace building, peace enforcement and peacemaking in relation to NA in operations. Also efforts will be made to establish linkage between these concepts. Thereafter the principles of PSOs will also be reviewed.
At the level of relations among state where the same need for peace and security which has challenged them internally is found, the approach has been different State have had to employ common mechanism to deal with the problem of conflict. A most enduring framework is that of collective security which is expressed through Peace Supports Operation (PSO), (United Nations, 50 years of United Nations: Notes for Speakers (New York United Nations, 1995).
Dramatic events of the 1990s and the subsequent collapse of the Warsaw Pact heralded profound changes in the international security arena. With the collapse of Soviet Union, many nations’ armed forces have had to shift their institutional emphasis from fighting to maintaining stability and to prevent fighting. With it also comes the need for leaders and soldiers to participate extensively in operation designed to deter wars, resolve conflicts, promote peace and support civil authorities in respond to crisis (Azazi, 2009). Nigeria as a member of United Nations (UN) has been one of the leading countries that participated in PSOs in the world at large and Africa continent in particular. This is in attainment of one of her foreign policy objectives (United Nations, 1995).
The Nigerian Army (NA) has participated in UN peacekeeping missions where it was the third largest troop contributor after Bangladesh and India. Due to its adherence to and contributions for UN peace mission, Nigeria was voted into the UN security council (www.challengeforum.vet).
The election of Nigeria to African Union Peace and Security Council and her being made its first chairman in 2004, is a confirmation of her accomplishments and leadership roles. This is a confirmation of her achievement due to her involvement in all conflict resolution processes since the days of Organisations of African Union (OAU) (Akinrinade 2004).
NA personnel have operated with distinction in Africa within the framework of ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG), a fact that is well known and accepted not only in the sub-region but in Africa and the world at large (Vogt, 1993). The Ivorian experience contrasts with those of Liberia and Sierra-Leone where Nigerian troops led peace operations which were very effective in restoring security and stability to the 2 countries.
Despite the above brilliant contributions of the NA to PSOs and its acknowledgement by the international community, its participation has been faced with a lot of problems especially in the area of manpower, training, and logistic. For its contributions to PSOs to be more effective, these problems need to be addressed.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Experience from ECOMOG operations in Liberia and Sierra –Leone as well as the United Nation Assistance Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) and reports of other operations like United Nations Operations in Congo (ONUC) and United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), it is evident that the problems of manpower, training and logistics are the major bane confronting NA personnel in PSOs.
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The main objective of this study is to assess the problems and prospects of the NA personnel in PSOs by seeking to:
a. To Examine the relationship between PSO and the NA.
b. To Ascertain the challenges of NA personnel in PSOs.
c. To Examine the prospects of NA personnel in PSOs.
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
a. What is the relationship between PSO and the NA?
b. What are the challenges encountered by the NA personnel in PSOs?
c. What are the prospects of NA personnel in PSOs?
1.5 RESEARCH ASSUMPTION
There has been a conventional notion that Nigeria’s participation in PSOs has given her political and economic hegemony in West Africa sub-region and Africa at large.
Despite logistics and manpower problems faced by the NA personnel in PSOs, it has been able to restore, stabilize and maintain peace globally, regionally and sub-regional through her involvement in PSOs.
1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The findings of this study would assist policy makers at the defence and services headquarters, security organizations such as Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) and State Security Service (SSS) in building their intelligence database. It will assist the National Assembly in the formulation of national security policy.
1.7 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The participation of the NA in PSOs in Africa has helped to ensure peace among nations within the continent. This research work shall reflect other scholarly work on the prospects and challenges of NA personnel in PSOs. It shall take into cognisance the role of NA personnel in PSOs from 1990 to date as it relates to the security of Africa. This work shall use primary and secondary sources of materials.
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AFRICAN STANDBY FORCE: PROSPECTS FOR REGIONAL SECURITY
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CONTENTS PAGE(S)
TITLE PAGE……………………………………………………………… i
APPROVAL PAGE………………………………….…………………… ii
DECLARATION…………………………………………………….…… iii
DEDICATION……………………….…………………………………… iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT………….………………………….………… v
TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………… vi-ix
LIST OF TABLES ………………………………………………………. x
LIST OF FIGURES ……………………………………………………… xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…….……………………………………… xii-xiii
ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………… xiv-xv
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND ………………………………………………… 1-9
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM…………………………… 9-12
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY……………………………… 12-13
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS………………………………….. 13-17
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY……………………………… 14
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY…………………………………………. 15
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY………………………………….. 15
1.8 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY………………………….…. 17
1.9 ASSUMPTIONS…………………………………………………….… 17
1.10 CONCEPTUAL DEFINITIONS…………………………………… 18-27
REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………. 28-32
CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 CONFLICT AND CONFLICT MANAGEMENT…………………… 33-35
2.2 COLLECTIVE AND REGIONAL SECURITY………………………… 36-38
2.3 STANDBY FORCES AND THE AFRICAN STANDBY FORCE… 38-42
2.4 SUMMARY………………………………………………………………….. 42-43
REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………… 44-47
CHAPTER THREE
SECURITY CHALLENGES FACING THE AFRICAN UNION
3.1 RESPONDENT PROFILE……………..…………………………………. 48-51
3.2 SECURITY CHALLENGES CONFRONTING THE AFRICAN UNION……………………………………………………………………………….. 51-57
3.3 HOW THE ASF CAN HELP COMBAT SECURITY CHALLENGES FACING THE AFRICAN UNION……………………. 57-58
3.4 PROGRESS MADE SO FAR IN ESTABLISHING THE AFRICAN STANDBY FORCE………………………….………………………. 58-65
3.5 DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS……………….……….………… 66-73
CHAPTER FOUR
AFRICAN STANDBY FORCE: THE WAY FORWARD
4.1 ADMINISTRATIVE AND LOGISTICS FACTORS………….……. 74-79
4.2 OPERATIONAL FACTORS…………………………………………….. 79-80
SUMMARY……………………….………………………………………………… 81
REFERENCES…………………………………………………..………………… 82-83
CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………. 84-85
5.2 RECOMMENDATIONS………………………………………………… 86-87
BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………… 88-95
APPENDIX I……………………………………………………………………….. 96-97
APPENDIX II…………………………………………….………………………… 98-100
APPENDIX III……………………………………………………………………… 101-103
APPENDIX IV…………………………………………….……………………..…. 104
LIST OF TABLES
| Serial | Title of Table | Page No |
| (a) | (b) | (c) |
| 3.1 | Data Showing the Number of Respondents | 50 |
| 3.2 | Distribution of Respondents by Categories | 51 |
| 3.3 | Peacekeeping Activities Undertaken by Africa at Both Regional and Sub-regional levels as at December 2010 | 64-65 |
| 3.4 | Opinions of Respondents on the Usefulness of the African Standby Force in Combating Conflicts in Africa | 68 |
LIST OF FIGURES
| Serial | Title of Figure | Page No |
| (a) | (b) | (c) |
| 3.1 | Pie Chart Showing the Number of Respondents | 50 |
| 3.2 | Bar Chart Showing the Distribution of Respondents by Categories | 51 |
| 3.3 | Pie Chart Showing Percentage Peacekeeping Activities Undertaken by Africa at Both Regional and Sub-regional Levels as at December 2010 | 66 |
| 3.4 | Chart Showing Responses in Percentage on the Problems Confronting the African Standby Force | 70 |
| 3.5 | Chart Showing Responses in Percentage on the Effectiveness of the African Standby Force in Crisis Management | 72 |
| 3.6 | Chart Showing Responses in Percentage on the Adequacy of the Provisions of the Policy Framework for the Establishment of the African Standby Force and the Military Staff Committee | 73 |
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
1. ACDS -African Chiefs of Defence Staff.
2. AHC -African High Command.
3. APSA – African Peace and Security Architecture.
4. ASF – African Union Standby Force.
5. AU – African Union.
6. CEWS -Continental Early Warning System.
7. ECOWAS -Economic Communities of West African States.
8. EURRF -European Union Rapid Response Force.
9. IGAD – Inter-Governmental Authority on Development.
10. MSC -Military Staff Committee.
11. NARC – North African Regional Capability.
12. OAU -Organisation of African Unity.
13. PF – AU Peace Fund.
14. PLANELM -Planning Element.
15. POW -Panel of the Wise.
16. PSC – Peace and Security Council.
17. PSO -Peace Support Operations.
18. PSOD -Peace Support Operations Division.
19. REC -Regional Economic Communities.
20. SADC – Southern African Development Community.
21. SHIRBRIG -Standby High Readiness Brigade.
22. UN – United Nations.
23. UNAMID -United Nations African Union Mission in Darfur.
24. UNISOM -United Nations Mission in Somalia.
25. UNSAS -United Nations Standby Arrangement System.
16. WWI -World War I.
17. WWII -World War II.
ABSTRACT
1. This research was carried out to analyse the concept of the African Standby Force (ASF) and its prospects for regional security on the African continent. Series of conflicts in Africa and their attendant problems have killed millions, destroyed property and hindered Africa’s growth. If African countries are to achieve any meaningful development, they must be relatively crises free. However, responsibility for security in Africa is devolving to African states and sub-regional organizations.
2. Several conflicts on the continent have shown that the UN and the developed countries are slow to react to conflicts in Africa, especially where their national interests are not affected. Thus Africa can no longer fold its arms and watch from the sidelines while conflicts continue to ravage the continent. Moreover, Africa is the major loser from such conflicts. The need to find an African solution to African problems thus gave birth to the ASF.
3. The ASF is a system whereby troops are kept ready for rapid deployment to conflict areas. The establishment of the ASF reaffirmed the determination and commitment of African leaders to handle African problems themselves. The very existence of the ASF and the knowledge that it would be effectively used would serve as deterrence to would-be trouble makers across the continent. Furthermore, the ASF would greatly reduce the response time for international intervention in conflict situations. This is necessary to ‘nip conflicts in the bud’ and prevent further bloodshed and suffering.
4. The descriptive research method was used for the study. The study examines the security challenges confronting the AU and how the ASF can help combat these challenges. The study also examines the progress so far made in establishing the ASF and strategies to fully operationalise the ASF.
CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND
Security can be construed in terms of the ability of individual citizens to live in peace with access to basic necessities of life, at the same time participating fully in societal affairs in freedom and enjoying all fundamental human rights (The Kampala Document: Towards a Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa). Security is indisputably a first order value for all mankind. McNamara offered a broad definition of security when he stated that ‘security means development’ (McNamara, 1968:149). Security can therefore be conceptualised as a precursor to development and although not entirely dependent on military activity, it is tightly intertwined with it and cannot exist without it. According to Imobighe, ‘the amount of security a nation enjoys is a reflection of its defence system’ (Imobigbe, 2003:170). Similarly, Lippmann posits that ‘a nation has security when it does not have to sacrifice its legitimate national interests to avoid war and is able, if challenged to, to maintain them by war’ (Baylis, 2001:255). This implies that military security is important and indeed forms the bedrock on which all other forms of security rest.
Africa’s security problems can be traced to the era of slave cartelization when European slave merchants freely terrorized the continent. This was closely followed by colonization wherein the indigenous defence systems were removed to emplace imperialism. Since then, Africa has become an exporter of raw materials and cheap labour and an importer of finished goods. This exploitation continued until the outbreak of World War II (WWII) in 1939. The end of WWII in 1945 saw the emergence of two superpowers, the United States of America (USA) and the United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR). The subsequent Cold War which ensued between these superpowers lasted from 1945-1990. Within this period, the superpowers fought by proxy, with many African countries as pawns in their power struggle. Dictatorships, overtly or covertly supported by one or the other superpower, usurped power through coups d’etat and maintained repressive regimes. This inevitably led to counter coups, usually supported by the opposing superpower.
The resultant vicious circle of dictatorships, sit-tight rulers, coups and counter coups, coupled with illiteracy, absence of infrastructure and fueled by ethnic sentiments, rendered Africa underdeveloped and crises prone. Intra-state conflicts erupted in Angola, Burundi, Congo, Liberia, Mozambique and Namibia. They also erupted in Rwanda, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Cote d’Ivoire and Sudan. These conflicts militated against development and harmonious relationship among African countries. The human and material casualties recorded in these conflicts are calamitous. The resultant effects of these crises in Africa are disease, refugee problems, human rights abuses, stagnation in development and poverty.
The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) London reported that in 1999 alone, over half of the world’s armed conflicts were in sub – Saharan Africa (Jonathan, 2005:15). In another report, Clare and Straw, argued that over the past 20 years, Africa has lost over 50 per cent of its infrastructure, many of the losses due to conflicts (Clare Short and Jack Straw).
While the potential for inter-state disputes has not diminished, the last 10 years have seen the appearance of complex new risks to peace and stability, including oppression, ethnic conflict, economic distress, the collapse of political order, the proliferation of small arms and organised international crime. When crises arise, they increasingly involve many factions and contain conflict elements which may be inter and intra and/or transnational in nature and involve the cross border movement of refugees, internally displaced persons (IDPs), migrants and widespread human rights abuses.
Such intra state conflicts and transnational activities are generally perpetrated by sub state actors or ‘war lords’, non-state actors, militias, criminal elements and armed civilians and not exclusively by elements of the regular armies. As a result social cohesion and state institutions collapse, law and order breaks down, banditry and chaos prevail and the civilian population flees the conflict region or the country.
On the global scene, the quest for international peace and security prompted the formation of international organizations and alliances. One of such organizations, the League of Nations, emerged at the end of WWI on account of the determination by European allies to prevent another world war (Peter Gay et al, 1973:107). This objective was not realized due to some inherent weaknesses of the League, resulting in WWII.
At the end of WWII, the need for a more effective and inclusive world body led to the formation of the United Nations (UN) with the objectives of ensuring global peace and security. Since conflicts and crises have become an inevitable outcome of human existence, most countries in the world consider it a primary responsibility to develop some mechanism to handle them. This brought to the fore, the need for a rapid intervention force capable of being deployed within the shortest possible time, to manage conflicts.
The UN fashioned out the concept of a rapidly deployable multinational force far back in 1947, but it remained sidelined until 1992, when the then UN Secretary General Boutros-Boutros Ghali called for a system by which governments commit themselves to hold ready, at an agreed period of notice, specifically trained units for peacekeeping service. The purpose of standby arrangement is to have a precise understanding of the forces and other capabilities a member state will have available at a given state of readiness (UN Secretariat, Report of the Secretary-General on Standby Arrangements for Peacekeeping, 1995).
The UN Standby Arrangement System (UNSAS) was launched in the early 1990s. The UNSAS is basically a database of military, civilian police, assets and expertise made available for rapid deployment to UN peacekeeping operations. Due to different training doctrines and equipment of member states, UNSAS could not achieve the effectiveness required of a standby force (Clare Short and Jack Straw). In 1996, the UN established the Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG), for rapid deployment to peacekeeping operations. The SHIRBRIG was aimed at providing the UN with a non – standing multinational brigade at high readiness and is based on UNSAS.
The quest for peace and security was not limited to Europe and the Americas alone. In the early 1960s, the late Dr Kwame Nkrumah, one time President of Ghana, proposed the formation of an African High Command (AHC). He envisaged a quick reaction force to be used in resolving conflicts on the continent. Unfortunately, some African leaders who were not willing to give up their newly found sovereignties rejected the initiative. However, the first African regional organization, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed in 1963 in response to his vision. The main objectives of OAU were the promotion of unity and solidarity of independent African states and the eradication of colonialism from Africa.
Although the OAU succeeded to a large extent in eradicating colonialism from the African Continent, it could not attain other objectives. For instance, its goal of fostering peace and stability in the region remained elusive as fratricidal wars continued to ravage the continent. Salim, a former Secretary General of the OAU, stated that ‘the OAU was able to facilitate the eradication of colonialism, but the internal crises, poverty and social degradation in Africa were issues the OAU was to accommodate because of mounting obstacles’ (Salim 2000:24). This led to the formation of the African Union (AU) in July 2002.
The new regional body was modeled after the European Union (EU) and designed to have a Parliament, Central Bank, Court of Justice, common currency and a Peace and Security Council (PSC) (AU Constitutive Act). The ‘Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the PSC’ provides for an African Standby Force (ASF) to enable the PSC deploy peacekeeping missions. The PSC was also mandated to intervene in regional crises pursuant to the provisions of the AU Constitutive Act.
At its inception in 2003, it was envisaged that by 2010, the ASF would be able to respond to requests for monitoring, peacekeeping, and peace enforcement missions from sub regional bodies, AU or UN within the framework of Article 13 of the PSC Protocol (AU Constitutive Act). This was to be achieved in 2 phases as follows:
(1) Phase One (July 2003 – 30 Jun 05): Establishment of a strategic level capacity for the management of Scenarios 1-2 missions, while Regional Economic Communities (RECs)/Regions would complement the African Union (AU) by establishing regional standby forces up to a brigade size (3500 – 5000) to achieve up to Scenario 4. The list of scenarios is contained at Appendix I.
(2) Phase Two (1 Jul 05 to 30 Jun 10): It was envisaged that by the year 2010, the AU would have developed the capacity to manage complex peacekeeping operations, while the RECs/Regions will continue to develop the capacity to deploy a mission Headquarters (HQs) for Scenario 4, involving AU/Regional peacekeeping forces (Article 13 of the Au PSC Protocol).
Regrettably, as at 31 Dec 10, these phases are yet to be fully achieved as earlier envisaged by the African Chiefs of Defence Staff (ACDS) in 2003. Thus there is a need to critically examine the specific problems, contributions and strategies for a fully functional ASF.
1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Conflicts have continued to ravage the African continent. For instance Somalia, which is categorized as a failed state, has continued to defy efforts to rectify the situation there. Presently, the waters of the Indian Ocean off the coast of Somalia are being patrolled by the military forces of several non-African countries. These patrols are meant to create a secure corridor for the passage of ships, mostly conveying petroleum products through the Gulf of Aden. Several Somali pirates have been killed by these patrols. In January 2011, 5 pirates were captured by a South Korean patrol team and are to stand trial in South Korea. Although piracy is deplorable, these patrols can be regarded as diplomatic affronts to Somalia in particular and Africa in general. Furthermore, no developed country will allow the killing, capture and trial of its nationals to go unchallenged as is being done in Somalia. This patrol task ought to have been a prerogative of the ASF, if it were operational.
Similarly, the crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan continues to linger. The United Nations African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) lacks the manpower required to command all factions to order. As at December 2010, the UNAMID strength stood at an average of 20,000 personnel as against the 26,000 men required to effectively police Darfur. In light of the enormity of its tasks, the UNAMID is greatly handicapped by this manpower challenge. However, a fully operational ASF could easily handle the Darfur crisis with little or no assistance from the UN.
The earlier that a conflict is tackled and ‘nipped in the bud’, the easier it is to contain and resolve. Thus the current political impasse in Cote d’Ivoire desperately needs an intervention force to douse rising tensions and prevent the possible outbreak of another war. Again, the ASF would have been aptly used there. Conflicts in several African countries have shown that the international community is willing to turn a blind eye to genocide and mass killings in Africa. Such conflict regions include Rwanda, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Congo, Sudan and Cote d’Ivoire amongst others. It has become obvious that the developed countries intervene in African conflicts primarily to safeguard their national interests.
In 1997, Salim drew attention to the fact that ‘OAU member states can no longer afford to stand aloof and expect the international community to care more for our problems than we do, or indeed to find solutions to those problems which in many instances, have been of our own making. The simple truth that we must confront today is that the world does not owe us a living and we must remain in the forefront of efforts to act and act speedily, to prevent conflicts from getting out of control’ (Dr. Salim,). Similarly, Mbeki stressed that ‘recent international events have confirmed the need for us Africans to do everything we can to rely on our own capacities to secure our continent’s renaissance’ (Address of the President of South Africa). It is against this backdrop therefore, that this research seeks to answer the following research questions:
(1) What are the security challenges confronting the AU?
(2) How can the ASF help in combating the security challenges confronting the AU?
(3) What progress has been made in establishing the ASF?
(4) What is the way forward toward full operationalization of the ASF?
1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The objectives of the study are to:
(1) Review the security challenges confronting the AU.
(2) Examine how the ASF can help in combating the security challenges confronting the AU.
(3) Show up what progress has been made in establishing the ASF.
(4) Proffer suggestions on the way forward toward full operationalization of the ASF?
1.4 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS
A region is secure when its citizens can live peacefully with access to basic necessities of life, freedom and all fundamental human rights. However, superpower influences, illiteracy, lack of infrastructure, proliferation of small arms and ethnic sentiments amongst others have combined to render Africa conflict – prone.
The conflicts ravaging Africa have increasingly become intra – state, with calamitous consequences. The hypothesis that guided this work assumes that there is a causal relationship between the absence of an ASF and repeated armed conflicts on the African continent. This study seeks to establish that if the ASF becomes fully operational, security on the African continent would be improved.
1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY
The series of conflicts which have ravaged the African continent, decimated its population and hindered its unity and development are a serious cause of concern. Furthermore, the lingering crises in Somalia and Sudan and the political impasse in Cote d’Ivoire push to the fore, the glaring need for the ASF. Unfortunately, seven years after its inauguration, the ASF is yet to become fully operational. Moreover, there has been uneven progress among the sub regions in implementing the ACDS roadmap to full operationalization of the ASF.
This study is therefore significant in the sense that it would review the security challenges confronting the AU and examine how the ASF can help in combating them. It would also take a look at the progress so far made in establishing the ASF and proffer suggestions towards full operationalization of the ASF. This will no doubt benefit the AU and its member states in the search for an effective conflict management mechanism on the continent. The findings of the study would also add to the existing literature and reference materials on ASF and regional security.
1.6 SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The ASF is based on the concept of regional security. This concept has permeated international discourse since the end of WWI, leading to the formation of the League of Nations and later, the UN. The concept of standby forces can also be traced back to the UN in 1947.
This study will cover the period 1963 till date. It was during this period that regional security started receiving due attention in Africa through the creation of the OAU. Reference would be made to other regional security arrangements as it is believed that such arrangements would be in tandem with this study.
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This research seeks to identify the ASF prospects for regional security. To this effect, the methods of data collection and analysis will be focused on.
1.7.1 METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION
The data used in this study were collected from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data were gathered through interviews and consultations with service personnel who had worked or are working at the ASF HQ in Addis Ababa. Other sources were the NAPKC, DHQ, Service HQs or personnel who have participated in PSOs. A sample of the questionnaire is at Appendix II. Secondary data were gathered from books, journals, newspapers, reports of conferences, unpublished works, magazines, periodicals, lecture notes and the internet.
1.7.2 METHOD OF DATA ANALYSIS
The research method used in this study is the descriptive research technique. To achieve this thesis, the research design applied was the causal comparative. It is a retrospective study of the relationship between the independent variable which is the ASF and its outcome, the dependent variable, regional security.
Adopting this research method was necessary as it provides the most comprehensive approach towards adequate coverage of the areas to be studied (AFCSC Guide to Research Methodology). Thus this study observed and evaluated the concept of regional security to establish the effects standby forces have on it.
1.8 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY
This research work was impaired by some limitations. The key limitations were the use of secondary data to analyse the concepts of regional security, standby forces and the ASF. Although the data used were from reputable sources, the authenticity of their findings might not be insulated from bias.
The concepts of regional security and standby forces are complementary. Hence the empirical testing of both concepts was relatively impossible. However, this did not affect the quality of research carried out and the outcomes of the findings.
1.9 ASSUMPTIONS
1. In order to stem the wide spread of conflicts in Africa, a standby force is urgently needed.
2. The standby force must be equipped as a rapid response force.
3. Such a standby force must be completely African – manned.
1.10 CONCEPTUAL DEFINITIONS
For the purpose of this study, the following terms are defined as follows:
1. Concept of Conflict: Human history shows that conflict is a natural consequence of human interaction. It is a product of clashes of different opinions, views and interests between individuals, groups or states. According to Dougherty and Pfaltzgraf, conflict is ‘a condition in which one identified group of human beings…is engaged in conscious opposition to one or more other identifiable groups because these groups are pursuing what are or appear to be incompatible goals’ (Osisioma, 2008:1). Lewis Coser goes further in the discourse on conflict by conceptualizing the term as ‘a struggle over and claims to scarce resources in which aims of opponents are to neutralize, injure or eliminate these rivals’ (Coser, 2008:1). Even though conflict is natural to human beings and associations, it does not necessarily have to be violent (Dougherty, 2008:1).
When conflict becomes violent, it has transformed into war which Clausewitz describes as ‘a duel on an extensive scale… an act of violence pushed to its utmost bounds…directed upon the destruction of the enemy’s powers’ (Coser, 2008:2). When this situation obtains between sovereign entities, such as nation states, war then becomes ‘a continuation of state policy by other means’ or ‘a continuation of political commerce’ (Osisioma, 2008:3).
These conflicts according to Stedman arise ‘from problems basic to all populations, the tugs and pulls of different identities, the differential distribution of resources and access to power, and competing definitions of what is right, fair and just’ (Stedman, 2008:3). The message is that conflicts arise essentially from injustices suffered by individuals, groups or states and when these conflicts are not resolved peacefully, they become violent.
When conflicts transform into civil or international wars, they bring about other disastrous consequences. People are killed, maimed, displaced or turned into refugees while properties and infrastructure are destroyed. Also, those with low morals become beasts in human skin, raping, carrying out extra-judicial killings, looting, extorting and robbing. With each war therefore, man who is supposed to be a rational and civilized being further descends into the abyss of inhumanity. War destroys social values, pollutes and degrades the environment and diverts resources from the pursuit of development and human happiness to war financing. At times, war taxes are imposed on citizens of a warring state and this worsens their conditions. War spreads pestilence, hunger, starvation, destitution and lawlessness. Between nations, war forcefully changes feelings and boundaries and can lead to the collapse of governments.
2. Concept of Security: The concept of security, according to Ekoko, emphasizes military power as the main instrument for the preservation of national sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Wolfers and Lippman have different definitions. Wolfers sees security as ‘the protection of values previously acquired or the absence of fear that these values would be attacked’ (Stedman, 1991:368). Lippman has been more explicit in his opinion about security. In his view, ‘a nation has security when it does not have to sacrifice its legitimate interest to avoid war, and is able to, if challenged, to maintain them by war’ (Yusuf, 2008:2).
It has been generally argued that what constitutes security to one state or group of states might constitute insecurity to others. Arnold views security ‘as the relative freedom from harmful threats (James, 1990:245). The Concise Oxford Dictionary defines the word security ‘as the safety of state or organization against criminal activity.’ Arnold’s definition of security is worthy of particular note as it relates security to underpin the role of international regimes in ensuring stability within a given region. This therefore means that security is seen from both the domestic and international perspectives.
3. Concept of Regional Security: Regional security is the security cooperation among nations in the same geographical location (Emuekpere). A region is a political identity consisting of a group of states, which are proximate and interdependent. Regions are generally characterized by geographical relatedness. The essence of regional security as identified by Buzan is a ‘set of contiguous states with a level of integration between them, such that a lack of security within them or between individual states in the region affects the security of the set of states as a whole (Barry, 1983:73).
The AU is an organization of African nations created to promote continental peace, unity, and cooperation. The organization works to resolve conflicts between nations and to coordinate political, economic, cultural, scientific, medical, and defense policies. The AU has 53 member nations, with its headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The organization was founded in Addis Ababa on 25 May 63, as the OAU. It retained that name until 2002 when it formally became the AU.
At the time of the OAU’s founding, African leaders disagreed about what kind of organization it should be. Some leaders pushed for the creation of a central government that would unite all of Africa under one authority. However, many of the nations had just recently gained independence from colonial rule and their leaders opposed the idea. The leaders eventually reached a compromise but in so doing created an organization that is controlled by its member nations, leaving it with little power to act on its own. Nonetheless, the AU has helped strengthen ties among African nations and settle disputes. But it has also faced many problems that have undermined its ability to achieve its goals (Emuekpere).
The experiences relating to widening and deepening of regional security regimes in Africa have not been particularly satisfactory. This is evident from the fact that most African states witnessed several conflicts and wars since their independence. This made the concept of regional security among African countries difficult despite their geographical proximity. However, recent events have shown that African leaders are now willing to pursue a common regional security regime. Regional security regimes are increasingly becoming an integral part of the globalization process. This process is described as the ‘principle of complex interdependence (Barry, 1991:25). That is the assumption that multiple channels connect societies, making the quest for security indispensable. It can therefore be deduced that regional security is the security cooperation among nations in the same geographical location.
4. Concept of Standby Forces: There are various perceptions as to what constitutes a standby force. The earliest usage was when it was referred to as a ‘command headquarters’ that is ‘German Standby force’ during WW II (Burgess, 2009). The term was used by some European defence scholars like Firlie to describe the numerous security regimes embarked upon by European nations (Kenneth, 1990:245). For instance, the European Union Rapid Response Force (EURRF) which is described as a standby force is a non standing army made up of troops contributed by member states to undertake peacekeeping operations.
The EURRF was borne out of the desire of EU to develop a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) outside NATO for crisis management and conflict prevention within Europe (European Foreign and Security Policy News Letter; Issue No 8, 2002). The force uses the military headquarters of NATO in Belgium as its operational headquarters. Its first military mission was in Macedonia (Michael, 2000:34). The force is obliged under the UN agreement ratified by member states to deploy troops to UN peacekeeping missions.
The Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG) established by Denmark, Austria, Canada, Netherlands, Norway, Poland and Sweden is another example of a standby force (Michael, 2000:34). The force under UNSAS is aimed at rapid deployment for peacekeeping or humanitarian operations. Troops deployed are only expected to spend a maximum of 6 months in mission areas. The SHIRBRIG is established at low additional costs to participating countries. Firstly, Denmark is the host country to the SHIRBRIG headquarters and provides many facilities free. Secondly, participating countries pay for training and preparation for deployment. Lastly, at the actual time of deployment, according to existing rules the UN pays for all expenses (Lesley).
The NATO, EURRF and SHIRBRIG present good examples of standby forces. A standby force can therefore be conceptualized as the pooling together of military/civil resources by a number of states for their collective security. Standby forces thus connote a security regime, with a well-defined force structure contributed by parties of the regime for their collective security.
5. Concept of African Standby Force: In the early 1960s, the late Dr Kwame Nkrumah, one time President of Ghana suggested the formation of an African High Command (AHC). He envisaged a quick reaction force drawn from member states to be used in resolving conflicts on the continent. Unfortunately, some African leaders who were not willing to give up their newly found sovereignties rejected the initiative. However, the first African regional organization, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed in 1963 in response to his vision.
The OAU succeeded to a large extent in eradicating colonialism from the African Continent, it could not attain other objectives. For instance, its goal of fostering peace and stability in the region remained elusive as fratricidal wars continued to ravage the continent. Salim, a former Secretary General of the OAU, while reviewing the achievements of the Organisation stated that ‘the OAU was able to facilitate the eradication of colonialism, but the internal crises, poverty and social degradation in Africa were issues the OAU was to accommodate because of mounting obstacles (Salim, 2000:24). This led to the formation of the African Union (AU) in July 2002. The new regional body was modeled after the European Union (EU) and designed to have a Parliament, Central Bank, Court of Justice, common currency and a Peace and Security Council (PSC) (AU Constitutive Act).
AU member states adopted the ‘Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the PSC in July 2003.’ The Protocol provides for an African Union Standby Force (ASF) to enable the PSC deploy peacekeeping missions. The PSC was also mandated to intervene in regional crises pursuant to the provisions of the AU Constitutive Act. The ASF is intended for rapid deployment in peace support operations for the AU that may include preventive deployment, peacekeeping, peace building, post-conflict demilitarisation, and humanitarian assistance. The aim is to have one standby brigade in each of Africa’s five regions, supported by civilian police and other capacities, by 2010. Good progress has been made in training, development of doctrine, Standard Operating Procedures, and command and control concepts (Ciliers, 2010).
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